| Abstract: | The research tries to answer how LUs could contribute to the integration of Poles into the Norwegian labour market. It tries to specify the special needs of those workers and ways in which labour Unions tried to meet them. The study analyzes impact of actions taken by the labour union and tries to determine what kind of influence, on the relations between Poles and labour unions, can have the fact that large number of Polish workers is employed by temporary work agencies. The study was conducted in Oslo county among members of Oslo Construction Workers Union. This organization is known as the one that noticed large successes in recruiting immigrants. Findings show that there are problems with communication channels. Those used by the union differ from those that are demanded by Poles. The difference between those types of communication is constituted by division on activities and 'presence' of the labour union. The study also analyzes special need voiced by the respondents: postulate of information, lack of accreditation of professional skills and vocational education, the case of 'fixing contracts' by the labour union in temporary work agencies and disparity between formal and informal positions performed at workplace. All those needs aren't however answered yet. Result of this state is disappointment of Poles. The study forms the core category - the formality hypothesis, which describes the way that labour union can influence integration of Poles into the labour market. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3491 |
| Abstract: | This thesis addresses the viability of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons – NPT for short – in light of U.S. nuclear weapons policy. Acknowledging the unique position and influence of the United States, the thesis sets out to assess whether U.S. nuclear weapons policy is compatible with a strong and effective NPT, in what ways U.S. nuclear policy underpins the role and strength of the NPT, how this policy could be detrimental to the viability of the treaty, and whether U.S. nuclear weapons policy should and could be changed in order to align with the NPT. Based on the acknowledgement that nuclear disarmament is the key venue for U.S. impact on the NPT, the thesis seeks to answer the research questions by analysing U.S. nuclear weapons policy in light of the so-called “Thirteen Steps” for nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. In short, the thesis concludes that current U.S. nuclear weapons policy is incompatible with a strong and effective NPT because this policy undermines the bargain that lies at the heart of the NPT: states without nuclear weapons agreed to forsake them; states with nuclear weapons agreed to eliminate them. In order to mediate harmful aspects of U.S. nuclear weapons policy, the United States should actively recommit itself to nuclear disarmament. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/2062 |
| Abstract: | This study 1) investigated the prevalence of bullying among students in two secondary schools in the city of Palu, Indonesia, 2) investigated which forms of aggression (proactive and/or reactive) were associated with bullying behavior, and 3) investigated which motive of aggression (power related and/or affiliation related) were associated with bullying behavior among the students. Self assessment questionnaires and interviews were used in this study. The sample comprised 97 boys and 149 girls attending grades 7 and 8. To identify prevalence of bullying, I have used descriptive statistics to provide summaries of the level of the bullying and victimization incidents among students across gender and grade/age. To find out forms and motives of aggression, a correlation analysis using SPSS was demonstrated. The findings showed that in general boys were more involved in bullying than girls. However, girls were more often to take part in calling names or teasing than did boys, and no less than boys in isolating or shutting others out and physical bullying. In terms of grade, the percentage of bullying and victimization were higher in grade eight than in grade seven for both boys and girls. In the correlation analysis, it was indicated that proactive and reactive aggressiveness was strongly related to bullying behavior for girls in grade seven, but not for boys. However, among the eighth graders, neither proactive aggressiveness nor reactive aggressiveness was related to bullying behavior for boys as well as girls. Furthermore, it was indicated that power-related aggressiveness was a good predictor for being involved in bullying among girls, but not for boys. However, affiliation-related aggressiveness was a good predictor for boys, but not for girls. The results from statistical analysis were confirmed by interviews findings. Differences of the present study in comparison with the previous ones, as well as contextual considerations and future research, are also discussed. Keywords: bullying; victimization; proactive aggression; reactive aggression; power-related aggression; affiliation-related aggression |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/2670 |
| Abstract: | Within the context of the broader historical background of the region and the theoretical framework on security, socio-cultural diversity and political tolerance this particular research deals with the effects of socio-economic structure on tolerance and combat propensity. “Socio-Economic Influences on the Active Combat Participants in Kosovo” illustrates how and to what extent socio-economic status has had direct or indirect influence on the behavior of the active combatants in the highly complex conflict of Kosovo. In terms of research design, the work is grounded in the year-long data collection and theoretical research. The collected data is divided into two parts. The first part offers a systematic and quantitative representation of the group's demographics relating to their economic and social conditions. The second part qualitatively explores the motivations of those who participated in political violence in an effort to develop a more complete understanding of the conflict’s origins both on the individual and group level. The theoretical tools used are the Modernization theory, Cultural pluralism, Political instability and tolerance, and Human needs theory. The socio-economic analysis of political behavior, suggests possible correlation between Socio-Economic rank and tendencies towards political intolerance and combat propensity. It concludes that, while providing some key factors that help contribute to and evaluate the prospects of the much-needed viable peace building and sustainable institutions in divided societies; additional research is needed in studying issues of political tolerance in the region. Moreover, this model relies heavily on its socio-demographic and political tolerance theory predecessors while it is very cautious to take on the unambiguous psychological perspective. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/2396 |
| Abstract: | ABSTRACT Volunteering in Third World countries is a modern trend. People, from all over the world, and of all ages, are devoting their time helping others to escape poverty. This help however, is often the source of additional problems, creating more challenges to overcome. This paper is meant to tell every person with the will to help others to “do no harm”. The idea of all the NGOs sending volunteers to remote parts of the world is to improve the lives of people who have less possibilities than we do, living in the western world. However, each volunteer comes with their own ideas of the world around them, their own ideas of what is their role in helping people living in totally different culture. Volunteers often disregard the differences between themselves and their new surrounding. Then consciously or subconsciously these westerners are imposing on the local communities certain behaviours or way of thinking. Most oftenly harming people by making them dependent on the western aid and western ideas of “good” life. This paper is meant to show how a group of kids at small school in Freetown (Sierra Leone) are being influenced by those western ideologies. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/4019 |
| Abstract: | The oil and gas industry plays significant role in the economy and politics of the Russian Federation. Economic development is treated as providing national security. Therefore the oil and gas industry makes an important national interest. Arguments concerning national security issues are crucial in decision-making process. However, the people living together with industrial activities may have different vision of security. Human security focuses on people’s own perceptions of security and insecurity which are linked to realization of their values and interests. How can human security be identified through the interests and values of the local population in the context of oil and gas production? Do the interests of the state coincide with the interests and values of the local people? And how does this contribute to human security or insecurity? Case study: the Nenets Autonomous Okrug. UNDP Report 1994 vision of human security is used as analytical tool. Constructivism is an epistemological background for the thesis. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/1643 |
| Abstract: | The present thesis is an exploratory research where I identify areas where challenges may arise in Russian-Norwegian business cooperation when Norwegians carrying out business in Russia. Based on interviews, three main issues emerged: boss-subordinate relations, networking and time orientation. The focus of the thesis is how to deal with these differences and how to deal with the challenges that can be caused by them. Therefore, in this thesis I will discuss these three major issues in Russian and Norwegian business cultures and discover how the differences in boss-subordinate relations, networking (personal connections) and time orientation can be overcome. This thesis includes a practical investigation and theoretical description of the three main issues and ways of overcoming these through the adaptation process. This study can be useful for anyone interested in managerial practices in Norwegian companies established in Russia because my research provides insight into the differences between Russian and Norwegian managerial practices and how to deal with the connected challenges that arise between the two. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3630 |
| Abstract: | Since its first application in Central America in the 1980s, the practice of nonviolent international accompaniment of civil society members threatened with political violence has undergone substantial growth. This thesis provides an understanding of protective international accompaniment as a communicative phenomenon. It shows the intricate dynamics of international accompaniment and its impact on two major interlocutors: the host government and the accompanied, under a discursive focus inspired by Speech Acts Theory. Taking Colombia’s protracted armed conflict and Peace Brigades International Project in the country as a case study, the narrative focuses on both interlocutors in order to unveil their distinctive nature. On the one hand, following the conceptual groundwork provided by the Copenhagen School, it will be argued that there is a conflictive matrix in the relationship between PBI and the Colombian Government, based on the established dialectical competition over securitisation enabled by their differentiated legitimacy. On the other hand, Colombian civil society groups accompanied by PBI receive a pluralist range of benefits, which can be translated into the language of human needs, human capabilities and (human)security, building on the work of scholars such as M. Max-Neef, A. Sen and M. Nussbaum. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/145 |
| Abstract: | Conflicts undermine state security, cause massive loss of lives, destroy livelihoods and undermine the general well-being of civilian populations. DDR has thus become the foremost policy tool for securing state security and establishing the framework for reconstructing conflict-affected societies. Using Liberia as a case, the present study has explored the livelihoods of ex-combatants within the framework of the UN-led DDR Program. Re-integrating ex-combatants into civil, productive and institutional life is the expected end result of the DDR Program. This led to the use of three main concepts; human security, human development and reconciliation. These three concepts provided the basis for assessing the success of the DDR Program in Liberia, with empirical focus on the ex-combatants' livelihoods in Monrovia. The study then found that most of the ex-combatants were unemployed; they had no stable sources of income and place to live. They were using illegal means such as armed robbery and criminal gang banditry to support themselves. The DDR failed to help prepare and reintegrate the ex-combatants into civilian life. The program also failed in making the ex-fighters responsible members of their communities despite the time and resources used for the program. Improving the human security of those directly involved in the conflict was an important way to bring development to the local communities, and to also reconcile perpetrators with their victims. The DDR Program in Liberia appeared to have had its own administrative problems, including funding. These problems strongly may have affected its operations, especially in providing alternative and legitimate sources of income for the ex-combatants. This is because a mass of unemployed and disgruntled ex-fighters can seriously undermine post-conflict security, reconstruction and reconciliation. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3687 |
| Abstract: | The recent flaring up of conflicts along ethnic lines in various communities in the Ghanaian society is a source of worry among responsible politicians and citizens as it could threaten the relative peace and stability that the country seems to be enjoying. This study seeks to investigate the causes, processes of escalation and dynamics of recent emerging disputes over the creation of District Assemblies and location of district capitals in Ghana, using Adaklu-Anyigbe District as a case study. Government’s indecision about the location of the capital for the new Adaklu-Anyigbe District Assembly only triggered latent generational-long conflicts over issues of identity, traditional power struggles, socio-economic deprivation and underdevelopment between the contending communities. The psychological dispositions of the two communities conditioned by ethnic distinctions and historical experiences of Adaklu and Agotime explain the antagonistic approach adopted by the two groups towards the location of the district capital for the newly created Adaklu-Anyigbe District and partly account for the protracted nature of the dispute. State and semi-traditional institutional failures accounted for the escalation of the conflict in which the leaders of the contending communities mobilized their people along ethnic lines in order to assert what they believe was their socio-cultural, economic and political rights. Indeed, this study shows that the nature of interaction between the state and the local semi-traditional institutions are more of sources of conflict than cooperation in the Ghanaian society. Dispute surrounding the creation of new districts could be stemmed to some degree if effective institutional mechanisms are established to consciously involve local communities in the political decision-making processes. If semi-traditional institutions could be empowered and well resourced to strengthen their legitimacy they could serve as important institutions for resolving local level disputes. When state and traditional institutions fail to take political decisions in a transparent and democratic manner, and later fail to mediate conflict between groups in the attempt to allocate limited resources in society, the outcome is manifested through the escalation of latent generational conflicts, which have been sustained by fissiparous ethnic sentiments. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/1612 |
| Abstract: | The border war between Ethiopia and Eritrea was concluded in 2000 with the signing of the Algiers agreement. Under the Algiers agreement, the two parties established a border commission to delimit and demarcate the borderline In April 2002; the commission delivered its delimitation decision. However, 6 years after the commission’s decision was delivered, the conflict between the two countries is not yet settled. Tensions between the two countries are still high and the possibility for another round of violence is within reach. This thesis, first and fore most, attempts to find out explanations why the overall peace process was not able to bring an end to the conflict in general and to the border incompatibility in particular. Secondly, it attempts to air the silenced views of the local people living along the disputed boundary. By doing so, this thesis argues that the Ethiopian and Eritrean boundary is inhabited by two closely related people and any solution to end the currently prevailing deadlock and resolve the border disagreement needs to be done with the participation and consultation of the local people. Any solution that will be imposed on the local people is likely to face resistance, undermining the sustainability of the peace that could be achieved. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/1605 |
| Abstract: | Women, war, empowerment, Colombia, ex-combatants |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/2674 |
| Abstract: | How do Argentina’s found grandchildren experience knowing the truth about their biological origins, and how does this influence their identity? Their identification, restitution and reconstruction of identity has been and will continue to be closely linked to Argentina’s transitional justice process. We need more knowledge about how victims of political violence experience transitional justice measures. Therefore, one of the purposes of this thesis is to contribute to a more profound understanding of what such processes imply for a society and its individuals through the context-specific study of one particular aspect of a transitional justice process. For all of my informants, getting to know the truth about their biological origins has been experienced as what Giddens (1991) refers to as a fateful moment that would change their lives. Each individual has a unique story, yet, I find that the found grandchildren have all gone through three different phases; identification – restitution – reconstruction of identity. I consider the identification and restitution as events limited in time, whereas I view the reconstruction of identity as an ongoing and continuous process in which each person is trying to restore a sense of coherent identity. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/4351 |
| Abstract: | The Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord 1997 signed between the Government of Bangladesh and the Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS), recognises the reestablishment of the rights of the indigenous people with the formation of locals & regional councils as controlling and supervisory bodies over land & land management, law & order, civil administration, police (local), development, primary & secondary education, forest & environment, and many more. After more than a decade of signing, the Accord has not been implemented fully and the violations of human rights continue. This study examines the challenges which Bangladesh as a post-war state face, in establishing democratic institutions and particularly indigenous institutions in order to bring justice and peace in the disputed CHT region. This study describes how the Land Dispute Resolution Commission which has been formed in 1999 to settle the land disputes between the indigenous people and Bengali settlers, can make its activities responsive to both a diverse constituency of indigenous people without ignoring the Bengali migrants and all the same gains trust and ownership among the Hillpeople. The study describes ‘the state of nature and politics’, ‘civil military relations’, ‘nation and identity building’ and ‘the geopolitical’ issues and how these issues played a key role in the policy formation process for CHT. In other words, I am keen to examine whether or not these issues influenced and made an impact on trust and ownership gaining process. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3554 |
| Abstract: | The thesis focuses on the role of youth members in political opposition parties in the Arab Republic of Egypt. The parties, as well as the state, are authoritarian in structure. The thesis discusses possibilities for youth participation in the upper-levels of political parties, and their subjective opinions of being included or excluded in internal debates and decision-making processes. In particular, the thesis discusses the parties’ use of internet and whether the internet arena is a space in which young people can contribute in the development and working of the parties. The analysis is based on data from first-hand information obtained through interviews with members of several Egyptian parties. The discussion is situated within academic debates on the nature of agency within authoritarian party and state structures. The conclusion suggests that youth members in Egyptian opposition parties may influence the working of the parties. However, due to the domination of structural phenomena, such as authoritarian structures, patron-client relations and a patriarchal system, youth’s presence does not affect the parties in a substantial manner. Youth possess agency but do not produce organizational change, because the structural phenomena are used to control people and social entities. It is further concluded that the internet is an arena in which mainly youth members participate. The internet gives youth a larger room for involvement, but does not contribute at a general party level. This situation is not a result of structural phenomena, but is caused by the age gap between leadership and active youth members. The analysis suggests that Egypt experiences a situation of negative peace. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/2064 |
| Abstract: | This thesis addresses the dynamics of high-risk unauthorised migration. First, it explores how new routes develop in relation to policies that seek to curtail unauthorised migration. Second, it analyses how aspiring migrants justify taking certain risks to migrate by negotiating risk information in relation to their life circumstances and considering the symbolic value of specific forms of migration. Finally and, in relation to the previous, the thesis discusses whether policies that seek to curtail unauthorised migration flows by increasing the likelihood of migrants’ apprehension and repatriation are likely to be effective. In order to explore these questions, this thesis project focuses on the specific case of unauthorised boat migration from West Africa to the Canary Islands, Spain. This route emerged in the year 2006 in relation to increased border control activities along the Strait of Gibraltar and between Morocco and the Canary Islands. In opening a direct link between Sub-Saharan Africa and Europe, the new route from West Africa to the Canary Islands provoked a major change in the dynamics of irregular maritime migration to Spain’s southern borders. Both the number of sub-Saharan migrants arriving on the shores of the Canaries and the length of the itinerary they had followed were unprecedented, and arose much astonishment at the ostensibly very high risks migrants appeared willing to take in order to reach Europe. While it has been argued that migrants following perilous unauthorised migration routes do so out of misinformation about the risks they face, this thesis argues that the relationship between risk information and risk-taking is significantly more complex. Decisions to migrate through high-risk channels are mediated by factors such as aspiring migrants’ options for socio-economic advancement, the social and moral acceptability of certain migration forms and the risks they involve, the religious significance of death, and migrants’ perceptions of their relative preparedness to, and ability to control, the risks they may face. Migration control measures aimed at curtailing unauthorised migration, such as risk awareness campaigns, border patrolling and repatriation are likely to be ineffective if they are based on a simplistic understanding of unauthorised migration dynamics. Careful design of border control measures is necessary to ensure their effectiveness in curbing unauthorised migration flows and upholding their humanitarian concern with protecting the lives of migrants. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/1577 |
| Abstract: | This thesis explores the quest for autonomy by the Alle ethnic minority and changing relationships in Konso-Dirashe-Alle areas of Southern Ethiopia. It also examines the causes of violent clashes between the Alle peasants and the security forces in 2008. Alle people with many other diverse peoples were incorporated into the Ethiopian empire state in the late 19th century but living without equal entitlement as citizen of a political community. Glimpse of hope came in 1991 when current government constituted by the Ethiopia People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) made a radical restructuring of the Ethiopian empire state into an ethnic based federal state with an aim to end suppressive centralized control, redress grievances of different peoples and transform conflicts in the country. A new constitution which was put into practice in 1995 guarantees human and collective rights, such as rights to develop and use one’s own language, culture and history as well as to establish government institutions in one’s own territory. Even if the theoretical framework of the constitution is minority friendly, the Alle ethnic group have not experienced the practical constitutional provisions. They continued the quest for autonomy and self-expression. They also continued their grievances. The purpose of the ruling government among the Alle people, on the other hand, has been marked by priority to get political support and strength its party base. The politics of difference that the local cadres of the ruling government use has almost ruined the peaceful intra-ethnic and interethnic interaction among the Alle and their neighbours. The Alle ethnic minority sense of insecurity has increased due to the policies from above which affect not only their individual and collective identity and relationships, but also their survival as human beings as their land is continued to be given to private investors. Thus, this thesis presents the subjective views of the Alle people in their continued quest for autonomy and self-expression. The possible violation of human and collective rights is implied. This thesis also calls for the enforcement of the existing constitutional provisions on human and collective rights for peaceful interactions and expressions of identities, particularly for ethnic minority. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/2679 |
| Abstract: | Social integration of refugees is a concept that connotes ideas of enjoying the opportunities, rights and services available to the citizens of the refugees’ new community. This thesis examines the problems and process of social integration of Congolese refugees in one of the southern towns of Norway. This research mainly aimed at finding out whether Congolese refugees are socially well-integrated; and establishing factors that contribute to their integration or lack of it. Based on the expression of social integration theories, this research has used qualitative methods through interviews and document analysis. Results have shown that some Congolese refugees are socially integrated in the Norwegian community. Findings indicate that the mastery of the Norwegian language and the ability to establish social network with Norwegians citizens are the momentous factor to refugees’ integration. This study suggest that the service in charge of refugee should develop a mechanism to ensure that refugees are given enough psychological assistance due to the fact that a good number of them have experienced such serious traumatic situations that financial and/or material assistance alone do not suffice for them to feel socially integrated in this new community. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/1578 |
| Abstract: | This dissertation discusses the “roles of female combatants and ex-combatants in Maoist People’ War in Nepal” landing evidences about their experiences as a combatant in PLA life. The study documents and analyses their struggle for integration into their own family and society. The role of female combatants changed many times. Firstly, their traditional subordinate role got changed undergone political transformation. Their roles were equal and no less than male combatants during decade long civil war; however, the challenges they faced were much more than the male combatants—pregnancy, motherhood, physical complicacies and alike. After discharged, their role had to change again into the same old traditional subordinate role. As a result, female combatants are facing persistent problems in adjusting in their traditional family and society owing to the fact that they lived in a different combatant communist ideology dominated society for a decade long time; because, the dualism between adopting and rejecting this new culture to integrate into old orthodox culture still persists. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3980 |
| Abstract: | ABSTRACT The purpose of this research was to investigate the process of restorative justice implementation in Ukraine. The research provides an analysis of the current situation and evaluates the necessity of support of restorative justice practice by the State (i.e. by legislation, law enforcement and conventional justice systems). To achieve objectives of the study methods of qualitative research were applied and consisted of analysis of specialized literature and a number of semi-structured and unstructured interviews. The interviewees included employees of the Ukrainian Centre for Common Ground (the UCCG) and practicing mediators from Simferopol branch of the UCCG. In addition there were conversations with random people aiming to learn their points of view on restorative justice and its possibilities. The findings revealed that though much work had been done after restorative justice was introduced in Ukraine in 2003, it had not advanced much. Moreover, due to the problems experienced, there can be observed a tendency towards a decrease of the restorative justice practice. The failure of the post-Soviet law enforcement and the systems of justice to earn the people’s trust caused a strong disbelief in innovations in this sector. The major challenges include absence of sufficient financing of the mediation centers and lack of cooperation of the law enforcing structures and the system of justice with mediators. The conclusion is that the State’s active cooperation in implementation of restorative justice, including legislative and financial support, is crucial in achieving positive results in this sphere. Key-words: Ukraine, restorative justice, mediation, implementation, criminal justice, law enforcement. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3628 |
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