| Sammendrag: | When scholars around the world talk about the russian democratization, some of them talk about a russian backlash. What this tesis is trying to answer is: What is meant by this, what is the main explanations and how do the different explanations together create a understanding of the russian backlash. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/4617 |
| Sammendrag: | This thesis comes at a time when there is much talk on democratic deficit and questions concerning whether and how cultural groups should be recognized in politics in ethnically divided societies. The study therefore uses the Anglophone Cameroon North West/South West ethno-regional divide as an entry point to contribute to this issue of global concern. By employing a variety of research techniques and using ethnic and psycho-social conflict theories as tools of analysis, the study arrives at the conclusion that the recurrent antagonism between the two Anglophone provinces should be seen as a logical outcome of divisive policies at the national level as well as an expression of complex politico-economic and historical forces played out at the regional level. But what maintains the antagonistic interaction in their every day life is the old gap that divides them and which is ingrained in their psychology. Therefore, according to this study, Identity politics is used as a survival strategy under difficult life conditions and not as a cause to the recurrent antagonism. As such, the study rejects claims that cultural identities and diversity necessarily lead to social, economic and political conflict. By doing so, it stimulates further discussions and research on the need to assess the prospects for identity politics in world peace. Perhaps, the most striking finding of this study is that once there is a dominating conflict like that between Anglophone North Westerners and South Westerners, other small conflicts in the region are “translated” into this dominant one. Reflecting concern over this, it makes a strong appeal for a shift in conflict resolution perspective from a general to a contextual model. Indeed, this study analyses the North West/South West gulf to provide a holistic understanding of the phenomenon by placing it within the larger social context of liberal democracy, group rights and national development. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/142 |
| Sammendrag: | The World Trade Organization claims to help keep peace in their declaration Ten Benefits of the WTO trading system (WTO 2008a). This thesis is a critical study of this peace claim within the frames of both peace- and development studies. The main argument of the thesis is that the peace claim of WTO is exaggerated. When adopting peace studies own definitions of peace and view it together with WTO’s narrow peace definition, the peace claim of WTO is up for debate. Current globalization and trade processes, conducted in the realm of neoliberal policies, causes marginalization and deprivation for poor countries and poor people. What development studies labels as deprivation and marginalization are within peace studies labeled structural violence. When structural violence is present there cannot be peace. It is the main argument of this paper that WTO and the international trade system inflict structural violence. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/2395 |
| Sammendrag: | ABSTRACT Volunteering in Third World countries is a modern trend. People, from all over the world, and of all ages, are devoting their time helping others to escape poverty. This help however, is often the source of additional problems, creating more challenges to overcome. This paper is meant to tell every person with the will to help others to “do no harm”. The idea of all the NGOs sending volunteers to remote parts of the world is to improve the lives of people who have less possibilities than we do, living in the western world. However, each volunteer comes with their own ideas of the world around them, their own ideas of what is their role in helping people living in totally different culture. Volunteers often disregard the differences between themselves and their new surrounding. Then consciously or subconsciously these westerners are imposing on the local communities certain behaviours or way of thinking. Most oftenly harming people by making them dependent on the western aid and western ideas of “good” life. This paper is meant to show how a group of kids at small school in Freetown (Sierra Leone) are being influenced by those western ideologies. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/4019 |
| Sammendrag: | The thesis deals with child labour in artisanal and small scale mines in two case studies: Kalima and Kampene, Province of Maniema, Democratic Republic of Congo. The paper answers three research questions: which are the working conditions of child miners, what is their self-perception, and what are the consequences of the lack of a functioning state for child miners. A qualitative approach is used, employing multiple-methods: interviews, observation, and audio-visual material with a support role. After describing the working conditions of children in the mining sites, the thesis focuses on the analysis of the self-perception of children following Rossatto’s “Freirean Mapping of Optimism and Desire” that identified four attitudes: antagonism, fatalistic optimism, resilient optimism, and transformative optimism. Combining this theoretical model and the empirical data gathered during fieldwork, an explanation of the attitudes of children towards their situation as “oppressed group” is given. Consequently, employing Freire’s theory of oppression, it was possible to analyse the answers of child miners concerning their future. This showed that children tend to legitimize myths (their oppressors) and to conceive their future as an intangible destiny, highlighting that the majority of child miners are in a pre-conscientização phase. The last section identifies the consequences of the lack of a functioning state on child miners, namely: lack of future critical intellectuals, dehumanization, powerlessness, marginalization, and inversion of roles. The thesis concludes with some future implications for both research as well as practice. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/2479 |
| Sammendrag: | The thesis looks at the education problems of the Roma communities in Northwestern Bulgaria and investigates the prerequisites for their successful inclusion in schools and their integration. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3495 |
| Sammendrag: | The focus of my thesis is how the ‘war on terrorism’ was discursively constructed as the appropriate response to the terrorist attacks in the US on 11 September 2001. To answer this research question, a discourse analysis was undertaken of six of President George W. Bush’s speeches and one official strategy document by the Bush administration. The background for my thesis is that the US today is a hegemon with the power to do virtually whatever it wants, and thus it is important to understand what it does and how it does it. However, in this study my focus is on from what premises and worldview the hegemon starts. This thesis is thus an attempt to reframe the ‘war on terrorism’. I start from a specific constructionist epistemological assumption, namely that our understanding and knowledge about the world is historically and culturally contingent. The focal point of the analysis is on the discursive construction of the ‘war on terrorism’ and on giving a critical review of this construction by exposing the contingency of particular representations of ‘us’ and ‘them’. The particular representations identified in my material are the structured oppositions of freedom and fear, good and evil and civilization and barbarism. I argue that the key component in discursively constructing the war is continuous discursive reinforcement of a simplistic dualism between ‘us’ and ‘them’. Furthermore, I suggest that ‘us’ and ‘them’ are not only differentiated and set in opposition to each other; a hierarchy is also imposed where the subordinate sign (‘them’) is placed outside the boundaries of what is desirable. I view reasoning in this manner with a simplistic paired zero-sum relation between ‘us’ and ‘them’ as a blueprint for heightened difference and conflict. I view it as an attempt to unite through the logic of confrontation: either you are with ‘us’ against ‘them’, or you are with ‘them’ and thus against ‘us’. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/412 |
| Sammendrag: | The border war between Ethiopia and Eritrea was concluded in 2000 with the signing of the Algiers agreement. Under the Algiers agreement, the two parties established a border commission to delimit and demarcate the borderline In April 2002; the commission delivered its delimitation decision. However, 6 years after the commission’s decision was delivered, the conflict between the two countries is not yet settled. Tensions between the two countries are still high and the possibility for another round of violence is within reach. This thesis, first and fore most, attempts to find out explanations why the overall peace process was not able to bring an end to the conflict in general and to the border incompatibility in particular. Secondly, it attempts to air the silenced views of the local people living along the disputed boundary. By doing so, this thesis argues that the Ethiopian and Eritrean boundary is inhabited by two closely related people and any solution to end the currently prevailing deadlock and resolve the border disagreement needs to be done with the participation and consultation of the local people. Any solution that will be imposed on the local people is likely to face resistance, undermining the sustainability of the peace that could be achieved. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/1605 |
| Sammendrag: | Medical peace work and peace education are requested and practiced. Experiences in practice and teaching are, however, unstructured and fragmentary; there is a need for a sound and comprehensive theoretical concept. Applying Galtung’s distinction between direct, structural and cultural violence, and between negative and positive peace, the framework of ‘peace medicine’ is presented as a possible new discipline in peace and health science, specializing on the health sector’s contribution to all forms of violence prevention and sustainable peace building, both on a macro and micro level. In order to explore the range of medical peace education, interviews were conducted with 25 representatives from Norwegian organizations and institutions that deal with peace work, education or research. 97 self-selected medical peace practitioners answering to an online questionnaire then prioritized the information on content and strategies. The results revealed a preference for human rights violation and torture, poverty and development needs, refugee problems and racism, and other global peace and health challenges. Communication and cultural sensitivity, bio-psycho-social understanding of health and local/global context, as well as compassion and respect for others were identified as the most relevant skills, knowledge and values/attitudes for medical peace work. The most recommended teaching methods were predominantly of a practical nature, such as student exchange and fieldwork, or experience-based lectures. Institutional co-operation with poor or conflict-prone countries was seen as the best way to improve medical peace education in Norway. A systematic literature search in the medical database MEDLINE revealed that little has been published on global peace education. Well-established micro-level frameworks like ‘violence prevention’ and ‘medical ethics’ seem to be suitable for teaching most of the requested peace qualities, but emerging macro-level frameworks (e.g. ‘global health’ and ‘peace through health’) fit better. Yet, global education could benefit from the rich teaching and incorporation experiences of the former. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/146 |
| Sammendrag: | The study had three main objectives: firstly, it examined the livelihoods strategies of Liberian women refugees in Ghana. Secondly, it examined the role(s) played by the UNHCR, internationals and local NGOs, state agencies and other Community Based Organizations in providing material assistance to Liberian women refugees in Ghana; and thirdly, it examined problems encountered by these refugee women in the pursuit of earning a living.The study found Liberian refugee women as being involved in various income-generating activities, including, petty-trading, hair-dressing and dress-making. A few informants had formal wage employment and even those jobs were mainly with aid agencies.From the findings, it was recommended inter alia that aid agencies should help establish credit scheme for women refugees. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/1599 |
| Sammendrag: | This dissertation discusses the “roles of female combatants and ex-combatants in Maoist People’ War in Nepal” landing evidences about their experiences as a combatant in PLA life. The study documents and analyses their struggle for integration into their own family and society. The role of female combatants changed many times. Firstly, their traditional subordinate role got changed undergone political transformation. Their roles were equal and no less than male combatants during decade long civil war; however, the challenges they faced were much more than the male combatants—pregnancy, motherhood, physical complicacies and alike. After discharged, their role had to change again into the same old traditional subordinate role. As a result, female combatants are facing persistent problems in adjusting in their traditional family and society owing to the fact that they lived in a different combatant communist ideology dominated society for a decade long time; because, the dualism between adopting and rejecting this new culture to integrate into old orthodox culture still persists. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3980 |
| Sammendrag: | Ethnic conflicts in the Bamenda grassfields became common occurrences at the advent of the Chamba raids in the 1820s. Despite the presence of such conflicts, few scholarly works have been done. This lack of material provided a motivation for this study – “From Friends to Enemies: Inter-Ethnic conflict amongst the Tikars of the Bamenda Grassfields (North West Province of Cameroon) C. 1950-1998”. The endeavour is to show how these ethnic conflicts can be considered a product of fast degenerating arable land against the background of fast growing population; the Bambili / Babanki-tungoh ethnic conflict is the product of centralized state building process in the Bamenda grassfields and it is fostered by economic imperatives. It is to fill the gap in Bamenda grassfield’s historiography. In order to investigate these hypotheses answers have been sought for the following questions: why is the Bamenda Grassfields rife with many ethnic conflicts in general and the Bambili/Babanki-tungoh in particular? What makes the two ethnic groups different, so much so that they fight each other over a piece of land? Who are the motivators of the ethnic conflict in the area? Of what importance is the disputed land between the two contestants under study? What attempts have been made by the traditional government and civil administration to end these conflicts and why have these attempts not bore any fruits? It is evident from this study that ethnic conflicts in the Bamenda grassfields are as a result of an ever growing population without a corresponding increase in land. It also shows that the ethnic conflicts are as a result of the ever empire state building in the sub region. Furthermore, it is also evident from the work that economic consideration over the fertile piece of land between the two villages is the main cause of the ethnic conflict between Bambili and Babanki-tungoh. The claims of the two villages over the disputed land are not authentic. This is because none of the villages are willing to show a land certificate which could make the piece of land to be conveniently theirs. It is also evident that the Bambili and Babanki-tungoh have similarities (Tikars) but the ethnic conflicts have made them different from each other. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/1314 |
| Sammendrag: | Research in the social sciences, and specifically peace studies, often utilizes fieldwork as a method to collect data. During this process, researchers are exposed to a variety of safety risks from the ambient fieldwork setting that they are often unprepared to deal with. This thesis argues that researchers and their sending institutions should do a better job of managing risks in the field, specifically by creating decision-making strategies for researchers. These strategies should be informed by both substantive knowledge as well as experiential and emotional knowledge from other researchers who have conducted fieldwork. By highlighting my own research experience, this thesis shows a typical research process and the minimal focus on safety in the field, as well as the possible dangers one could experience in the field. My emotional response to an incident during my fieldwork experience is analyzed using Albert Hirschman’s framework of Exit, Voice and Loyalty. This analysis supports the argument that safety and personal experience are essential parts of the research process and the academic findings. My experience is then used to begin developing useful decision-making strategies for researchers and institutions. Ultimately, this thesis aims to give voice to other researchers who have experienced incidents in the field and attempts to open a discussion on the best ways to help researchers manage risks from the ambient fieldwork setting. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/1033 |
| Sammendrag: | This thesis investigates federalism (state restructuring) through the empirical analysis of the views held on federalism by a few members of the major political parties in Nepal. A decade long conflict was ended when Comprehensive Peace Accord was agreed in 2006. The terms of CPA and the interim constitution became a source of political argument for Nepal’s leaders; controlled and over represented by High Caste backgrounds in different state mechanisms. The issue of democratic restructuring (defining/categorizing the federal model) was hotly contested and debated, and it resulted in the dissolution of historic CA where members from various backgrounds were represented. The dissolution has concluded in constitutional and political dead lock in Nepal. This study examines the views of a few important political actors on this issue, along with their policies on Natural Resource Management and tax with the help of in-depth interviews and an investigation of their parties’ manifestos and in context of research literature. Through the course of this research, I found that Nepalese political institutions and leaders have to soul searching practice in order to establish a suitable inclusive democracy. However, discussing federalism (state restructuring) and power decentralization is a bipolar issue. Social change is an inevitable process, but culture, tradition, history and identity cannot be denied. Such can be reconciled with democratic inclusive nation building – forming one common identity with national solidarity and secularism that is connected with state sovereignty. The current demand for group right and self-rule among ethnicity base federal units may trigger conflict and overlooks the democratic rights to equal participation. The right to participation and decision-making is the right of any individual and community or group according to the theory of democracy. While advocating for groups rights from ethnic organizations and activist, would exclude the right to participation of non-ethnic minorities. In other word, their right to participation would be hindered. Such advocacy would worsen the situation for people who have been living together for a long time in the same communities, VDC and watersheds. Therefore group rights have to be balanced with individual citizenship rights in order to build up a strong sense of nationalism that keeps sovereignty intact. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/5078 |
| Sammendrag: | The object of this thesis will consider the importance of gender in the “National Popular Resistance Front” of Honduras (Frente Nacional de Resistencia Popular), and if gender is significant in this movement and in its choice of actions and choice not to arm themselves with firearms. The scope of this thesis is limited to a number of the member organizations and participation in actions and demonstrations to answer these questions. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/4349 |
| Sammendrag: | This thesis is based on Ghassemlou's ideas about democracy and democratization of Iran as a multi-national and multi-religious country. Because of the lack of democracy, there are many conflicts and injustices in society. Therefore, the democratization of Iran is the best way to transform the various politically, economic and social oppression. Such a solution can be found through Abdol Rahman Ghassemlou's ideas and plans for Iran. Until today, the relationship between the Persians and other nations in Iran has been very unbalanced, Independent of which governance form the country has had. The Kurds in Iran have fought for self-governance right many years. Now they believe they can realize this goal by democratizing Iran, while they believe that all Kurds are one nation. The problem statement for this task have been: What did democracy mean for Ghassemlou in theory and practice, and how Ghassemlou’s ideas about democracy can help us to democratize Iran? The main finding in this thesis is that Iran is a multi-national and multi-religious country ruled by an Islamic theocratic system, that Persians have great influence over it, and that consequently – in order to democratize Iran, the country first needs to remove this theocratic system, then can create a system that will help people to practice democracy. Such a system should bring up democratic personalities, by training in practising democracy, in which people will form organizations, have freedom of speech, tolerate differences, and grants people a great degree of self-governance trough a decentralized political system. Some key word in this thesis: autonomy, democracy, democratic personality, decentralization, democratic socialism. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3496 |
| Sammendrag: | The oil and gas industry plays significant role in the economy and politics of the Russian Federation. Economic development is treated as providing national security. Therefore the oil and gas industry makes an important national interest. Arguments concerning national security issues are crucial in decision-making process. However, the people living together with industrial activities may have different vision of security. Human security focuses on people’s own perceptions of security and insecurity which are linked to realization of their values and interests. How can human security be identified through the interests and values of the local population in the context of oil and gas production? Do the interests of the state coincide with the interests and values of the local people? And how does this contribute to human security or insecurity? Case study: the Nenets Autonomous Okrug. UNDP Report 1994 vision of human security is used as analytical tool. Constructivism is an epistemological background for the thesis. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/1643 |
| Sammendrag: | ABSTRACT The purpose of this research was to investigate the process of restorative justice implementation in Ukraine. The research provides an analysis of the current situation and evaluates the necessity of support of restorative justice practice by the State (i.e. by legislation, law enforcement and conventional justice systems). To achieve objectives of the study methods of qualitative research were applied and consisted of analysis of specialized literature and a number of semi-structured and unstructured interviews. The interviewees included employees of the Ukrainian Centre for Common Ground (the UCCG) and practicing mediators from Simferopol branch of the UCCG. In addition there were conversations with random people aiming to learn their points of view on restorative justice and its possibilities. The findings revealed that though much work had been done after restorative justice was introduced in Ukraine in 2003, it had not advanced much. Moreover, due to the problems experienced, there can be observed a tendency towards a decrease of the restorative justice practice. The failure of the post-Soviet law enforcement and the systems of justice to earn the people’s trust caused a strong disbelief in innovations in this sector. The major challenges include absence of sufficient financing of the mediation centers and lack of cooperation of the law enforcing structures and the system of justice with mediators. The conclusion is that the State’s active cooperation in implementation of restorative justice, including legislative and financial support, is crucial in achieving positive results in this sphere. Key-words: Ukraine, restorative justice, mediation, implementation, criminal justice, law enforcement. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3628 |
| Sammendrag: | The Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord 1997 signed between the Government of Bangladesh and the Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS), recognises the reestablishment of the rights of the indigenous people with the formation of locals & regional councils as controlling and supervisory bodies over land & land management, law & order, civil administration, police (local), development, primary & secondary education, forest & environment, and many more. After more than a decade of signing, the Accord has not been implemented fully and the violations of human rights continue. This study examines the challenges which Bangladesh as a post-war state face, in establishing democratic institutions and particularly indigenous institutions in order to bring justice and peace in the disputed CHT region. This study describes how the Land Dispute Resolution Commission which has been formed in 1999 to settle the land disputes between the indigenous people and Bengali settlers, can make its activities responsive to both a diverse constituency of indigenous people without ignoring the Bengali migrants and all the same gains trust and ownership among the Hillpeople. The study describes ‘the state of nature and politics’, ‘civil military relations’, ‘nation and identity building’ and ‘the geopolitical’ issues and how these issues played a key role in the policy formation process for CHT. In other words, I am keen to examine whether or not these issues influenced and made an impact on trust and ownership gaining process. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3554 |
| Sammendrag: | The research tries to answer how LUs could contribute to the integration of Poles into the Norwegian labour market. It tries to specify the special needs of those workers and ways in which labour Unions tried to meet them. The study analyzes impact of actions taken by the labour union and tries to determine what kind of influence, on the relations between Poles and labour unions, can have the fact that large number of Polish workers is employed by temporary work agencies. The study was conducted in Oslo county among members of Oslo Construction Workers Union. This organization is known as the one that noticed large successes in recruiting immigrants. Findings show that there are problems with communication channels. Those used by the union differ from those that are demanded by Poles. The difference between those types of communication is constituted by division on activities and 'presence' of the labour union. The study also analyzes special need voiced by the respondents: postulate of information, lack of accreditation of professional skills and vocational education, the case of 'fixing contracts' by the labour union in temporary work agencies and disparity between formal and informal positions performed at workplace. All those needs aren't however answered yet. Result of this state is disappointment of Poles. The study forms the core category - the formality hypothesis, which describes the way that labour union can influence integration of Poles into the labour market. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3491 |
Munin bygger på DSpace 1.8.2
Universitetsbiblioteket i Tromsø, 9037 Tromsø
Tlf: 77 64 40 00, E-post: munin@ub.uit.no