| Abstract: | This study concerns Sabona, a conflict resolution program at school, which is theoretically and practically developed by Johan Galtung with the help of a group of practitioners. Sabona is built theoretically and methodologically on the Transcend conflict transformation concept, and belongs to the Transcend network. Sabona is claimed to be a conflict hygiene program at school, and develops a set of conflict transformative tools and norms, and provides a continuous non-violence oriented development of the school society. It promotes a peace culture and state of mind, and acts as a set of preventive measures against chaos and violence through empathy, creativity, and non-violence. According to the teachers involved, Sabona has achieved visible results since its start. On the basis of my observations, I make a brief SWOT analysis of Sabona, its strong and weak sides, as well as possibilities for its further development from micro to macro level. I conclude that Sabona`s ideology, concepts and instruments contribute to the development of a culture of peace in school settings, and represent a new level of peace education programs, which can be summarized with the term ‘conflict hygiene’. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3979 |
| Abstract: | This study focuses on the livelihoods of women, whose husbands disappeared during the civil war (1996-2006) in Nepal. It is about the strategies adopted by the women for daily basic needs in absence of their husbands. Being uneducated and rural dwellers, the informants are mostly living on agriculture and other rural activities. Assets especially land, plays a significant role in rural livelihoods. But, access to and control of assets and productive rural resources are mediated by local cultures and gender ideologies. Men were previously the ‘main breadwinners’ in family households and women mere dependents. However in absence of men/husbands, women/wives assumed additional responsibilities such as cultivating and maintaining farms, and obtaining loans-to ensure the viability of their households. The study shows that women are now the exclusive ‘bread-winners’ and ‘decision-makers’ in the new female-headed households in the Bardia district of Western Nepal. Moreover, the findings show how adversity had mobilised women consciously or unconsciously to challenge cultural values, thereby re-ordering a gender roles. Women have been shown to raise their voices in the public arena to demand information about the whereabouts of their husbands-whose absence had undermined the socio-economic security of family households. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/4781 |
| Abstract: | Norway and Russia are partners and neighbours with a rich history of cooperation. Many different cooperation projects are being conducted between the two countries nowadays. The level of contact is also diverse: between ordinary people, business partners, politicians, scholars, etc. However, the existence of stereotypes affects both parties in the communication process. Stereotypical thinking leads to erroneous judgments and formation of incorrect ideas about a social group. Often stereotypical thinking creates barriers for effective cooperation and communication. It causes misunderstanding, unpleasant experiences, distrust, disagreements, conflicts, and even hostility. This arises from the fact that stereotypes shape behavior; they form prejudices and opinions that are difficult to change. In this study I have investigated the phenomena of stereotyping and cross-cultural understanding. I have chosen to focus on the stereotypes about Russians in Northern Norway. I have examined cooperation as a tool for reducing the influence of stereotypes on formation of impressions about people. I have chosen the Barents Regional Youth Programme as a concrete example of the Norwegian-Russian cooperation. Establishment of contacts among youth is prioritized by the Barents Regional Council, because the youth are the future of the region and their good relations are crucial for the stability in the region. Cross-cultural understanding is an integral basis for fruitful cooperation. The conception of this project has been motivated by my scholar interest to combine knowledge about stereotypes, cross-cultural understanding and cooperation and to test their effects in the context of the Norwegian-Russian Barents Cooperation. This research can help us get a deeper understanding of this issue, and develop ideas on how to make people not judge others on the bases of stereotypes. It will expand our insight on possible ways to understand other cultures. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/4348 |
| Abstract: | Is there one root, and one infrastructure under the hatred of Israel, since the late 19th century, called antisemitism? Can we dare and raise such a question with regard to a phenomenon so prolonged in time and so diversified in its appearances and explanations – a human phenomenon which started as early as the charge of deicide, and which is present during a couple of thousands of years, as steady hatred in a changing world, and in a changing Europe: hatred and opposition to Jews among the followers of Christianity, hatred towards Jews in secular anti-Christian societies, and also hostility and discrimination towards Jews in liberal and left-wing circles. And along all of this, during hundreds of years, the Jews are also undergoing changes in many aspects and sociologically alternating and expanding their lifestyle, their occupations, their places of residence etc. Can we imagine any correlation between the early Church father Chrysostom, of the fourth century, who called the Jews “inveterate murderers, destroyers, men possessed by the devil”, to the French philosopher Voltaire, or between Martin Luther of the sixteenth century who called the Jews “the children of evil” to the Portuguese author and Nobel Prize winner Jose Saramango? In spite of the many centuries time gap between them, in spite of the vast cultural, social and moral differences between them, in spite of the fact that the Jews they knew were very different from those whom their pair partner encountered, all these personages share the same notions about the Jews. When I wish to identify and understand the structure of the infrastructure of the hatred of Israel, called antisemitism, I am actually relying upon a traditional Jewish conviction, which intuitively accepted the assumption that there is indeed one, eternal and permanent root, although it could not explain it. A decisive statement by Rabbi Simeon Bar-Yachai: “The religious law is: the hatred of Jacob is known”, was accepted as a general and inclusive popular determination regarding the hatred of Jews by the non-Jew as a regular and unchangeable phenomenon. This also is true of the verse that the Jews sing enthusiastically on Passover night – “and in each and every generation, they try to annihilate us” (“try” in present tense, not “tried” in past tense), which derives the basic assumption that the active hatred of Israel aspiring for annihilation (and the meaning here is more annihilation as people, as nation than physical annihilation) is everlasting hatred, which is handed down from generation to generation, under various circumstances and in different places. And even the continuation of the verse – “and God Almighty save us from them” presumes that even the rescue can be merely partial and temporary. It is not possible to essentially fix this thing, if God is required to “save” time and time again. In other words, even as far as the devoted follower is concerned, God does not have the power to cancel the hatred of Jews, but merely to save them, and even such rescue is only partial and generational. In seeking after common root, a mutual infrastructure, it seems to me that I am expressing the basic Jewish conviction, which in itself could not explain the essence of the antisemitic origins, yet regarded it to be steady factor of the human behaviour. This conviction has also fatally assumed that it would be impossible to annihilate this permanent infrastructure, and that it would always exist. In a certain tragic sense, antisemitism had become a highly important and most natural factor in establishing the Jewish identity, to the extent that the absence of antisemitism appears to many Jews as suspicious and unnatural phenomena. The traditional Jew often identifies the proper order of the world, when he/she also detects an active antisemitic element within it. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/141 |
| Abstract: | Theory on international society is often criticized for disregarding the agency and influence of non-state actors. This paper analyzes the ways in which non-governmental organizations seek political influence in the United Nations, based on a case study of the Control Arms campaign in the period 2008-2010. The method is a qualitative, iterative approach, where propositions from recent theory on transnational advocacy networks are matched with data from informants and internal documents to highlight congruent and divergent aspects. It is argued that the findings warrant further research on the various strategies employed by non-state actors in the international arena. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/2677 |
| Abstract: | Conflicts undermine state security, cause massive loss of lives, destroy livelihoods and undermine the general well-being of civilian populations. DDR has thus become the foremost policy tool for securing state security and establishing the framework for reconstructing conflict-affected societies. Using Liberia as a case, the present study has explored the livelihoods of ex-combatants within the framework of the UN-led DDR Program. Re-integrating ex-combatants into civil, productive and institutional life is the expected end result of the DDR Program. This led to the use of three main concepts; human security, human development and reconciliation. These three concepts provided the basis for assessing the success of the DDR Program in Liberia, with empirical focus on the ex-combatants' livelihoods in Monrovia. The study then found that most of the ex-combatants were unemployed; they had no stable sources of income and place to live. They were using illegal means such as armed robbery and criminal gang banditry to support themselves. The DDR failed to help prepare and reintegrate the ex-combatants into civilian life. The program also failed in making the ex-fighters responsible members of their communities despite the time and resources used for the program. Improving the human security of those directly involved in the conflict was an important way to bring development to the local communities, and to also reconcile perpetrators with their victims. The DDR Program in Liberia appeared to have had its own administrative problems, including funding. These problems strongly may have affected its operations, especially in providing alternative and legitimate sources of income for the ex-combatants. This is because a mass of unemployed and disgruntled ex-fighters can seriously undermine post-conflict security, reconstruction and reconciliation. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3687 |
| Abstract: | This paper studies the issue of the role of human rights in Norwegian peace processes in the conflict between Northern and Southern Sudan. It is a comparative analysis between the Norwegian actors – the government and two NGOs. The aim is to see how the different Norwegian actors focus on human rights when they are building peace in Sudan, and if there are any clear differences between the government and the NGOs. The long civil war between Northern and Southern Sudan came to and end in 2005 with the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). Norwegian actors, both state and NGOs, have played an important part before, during and after the signing of the agreement. Despite of the successful signing of CPA there are still difficulties in the Sudan. Several scholars argue that human rights are important and necessary in a society in order for peace to be sustainable. It is therefore interesting to see how the focus on human rights is for the Norwegian actors in Sudan. This issue will be studied in relation to the actors focus on human rights and the actors focus on peace. Human rights are important for all the actors when they are working towards creating peace in Sudan. The differences are however in how much they focus on these rights, and how they focus on them. The two actors from the government focus more on the state-level, whereas the two NGOs focus more on the ground level. The main explanation for this is that the different Norwegian actors have different roles and therefore different focus. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/2066 |
| Abstract: | In recent years, the value of sport as an important and useful tool in peace and development work has been increasingly recognized. The Norway Cup-project is one of Norway’s largest sport for development projects, and uses the Norway Cup-tournament as an arena for teams from developing countries to strengthen projects in their home communities through empowerment of the participants. This thesis seeks to discover what effect participating in this project has had on a boys-team from Namibia (2006). Through a qualitative research design, I have examined whether there was accordance between the goals of different levels on the Norwegian and Namibian sides. Another significant aspect examined is to what extent sport can be seen as a ‘universal language’. Related issues addressed are whether children’s sport is understood in the same way in both countries, and to what extent such a project has uniting or dividing effects. Furthermore, it is discussed if the project is designed in such a way that a prospective mutual gain is addressed, or whether bringing the teams to Norway as part of a development project enhances the differences between ‘us’ and ‘them’. An essential factor to address is that it deals with young participants. This thesis attends to the question of whether this can have empowering effects on the youth in question, or if it can result in feelings of learnt helplessness upon their return. Additionally, it is discussed whether their prospective empowerment has benefited the community at large. I conclude that the objectives for participation vary more from the official goal the further towards the ‘grassroots’ you go. The initial aims and the way in which the team was selected, is argued to have a significant influence on what is emphasized in later stages of the project. Football turns out to be a ‘universal language’ with different dialects, as ‘competition’ and ‘play’ are emphasized to different degrees by the two parties. Participation is argued to have had certain empowering effects on an individual level, but these effects do not seem to have been transferred from individual to community level to a great degree. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/1139 |
| Abstract: | The present thesis is an exploratory research where I identify areas where challenges may arise in Russian-Norwegian business cooperation when Norwegians carrying out business in Russia. Based on interviews, three main issues emerged: boss-subordinate relations, networking and time orientation. The focus of the thesis is how to deal with these differences and how to deal with the challenges that can be caused by them. Therefore, in this thesis I will discuss these three major issues in Russian and Norwegian business cultures and discover how the differences in boss-subordinate relations, networking (personal connections) and time orientation can be overcome. This thesis includes a practical investigation and theoretical description of the three main issues and ways of overcoming these through the adaptation process. This study can be useful for anyone interested in managerial practices in Norwegian companies established in Russia because my research provides insight into the differences between Russian and Norwegian managerial practices and how to deal with the connected challenges that arise between the two. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3630 |
| Abstract: | Third country resettlement and refugee repatriation are two of three durable solutions to the problematic of refugees. Third country resettlement requires refugees to undergo a process of social integration, which aims at providing them the same opportunities, services and rights as the host population. This thesis gives two aspects of refugee‟s social integration process, outlining the differences between psychological integration and economic integration. Findings indicate that Congolese in Norway manage well economically, but social psychological integration is a struggle. Refugee repatriation have been characterised as the preferred solution in part because of it is believed to put an end to the refugee cycle, but also it is essential for post-conflict peace building of the country/ society refuge originated. The thesis (1) examines the process and problematic around refugee‟s social integration of Congolese resettled in Norway; but it also (2) assesses the possibilities for a voluntary repatriation, exploring their reasons and aspirations for an eventual return to the Democratic Republic of Congo, or if staying in Norway is the ultimate option. This research has relied on qualitative interview as methods, basing on the theories around refugees‟ social integration and the concept of voluntary repatriation. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/4352 |
| Abstract: | This thesis looks into the working conditions for international NGOs in Russia, focusing on a children’s rights organization. The main objective of this thesis is to direct focus on how NGOs can contribute to promote sustainable peace from below and improve children’s situation in Russia. Children in Russia are experiencing different challenges; this is often due to socio-economic instabilities and political problems. Consequently these factors have effects on children growing up within the Russian Federation and have effects on children’s lives. UNICEF reports that number of children living on the streets is increasing. Thus, Save the Children is concerned about the high numbers of street-children and child neglect. Therefore, this thesis will regard the situation for children in Russia by relating Save the Children Norway in Russia’s efforts on promoting children’s rights and peaceful developments at the individual level. When focusing on NGOs efforts for children in Russia, one needs to regard the working conditions for NGOs in the Russian context, and thus how Save the Children in this case, can work within the civil society and according to their objectives. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/2086 |
| Abstract: | How do Argentina’s found grandchildren experience knowing the truth about their biological origins, and how does this influence their identity? Their identification, restitution and reconstruction of identity has been and will continue to be closely linked to Argentina’s transitional justice process. We need more knowledge about how victims of political violence experience transitional justice measures. Therefore, one of the purposes of this thesis is to contribute to a more profound understanding of what such processes imply for a society and its individuals through the context-specific study of one particular aspect of a transitional justice process. For all of my informants, getting to know the truth about their biological origins has been experienced as what Giddens (1991) refers to as a fateful moment that would change their lives. Each individual has a unique story, yet, I find that the found grandchildren have all gone through three different phases; identification – restitution – reconstruction of identity. I consider the identification and restitution as events limited in time, whereas I view the reconstruction of identity as an ongoing and continuous process in which each person is trying to restore a sense of coherent identity. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/4351 |
| Abstract: | With the growing influence of the People’s Republic of China in Africa, the question arises: how do the advanced industrialised countries with established interests on the continent see the evolving Sino-African economic and foreign aid relations. This thesis aims at revealing the discourses present in American and British broadsheet newspapers on the topic and analysing the relationship between these discourses. The selection of newspapers includes The Daily Telegraph, The Guardian, The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal. Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory is used as the theory and method for the analysis, accompanied by imported concepts from international relations theory. Through the qualitative analysis of the meanings ascribed to six signs – “Sino-African development cooperation”, “China”, “Africa”, “the West”, “good governance” and “non-interference” – five discourses emerge in the material: three based on international relations theory – liberal internationalist, political realist and world system discourses – and two that I termed economic development and reluctant cooperation discourses. Further analysis reveals struggle and antagonism on levels of signs, discourses and clusters of discourses, while objectivity, the naturalisation of meaning only exists in the case of one sign in the material. The pervasive struggles show that the topic is characterised by being politically contested, with each discourse leading to different appropriate course of action. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/4394 |
| Abstract: | This thesis presents an account of an empirical study of discourse of knowledge underlying a Master Programme of Peace and Conflict Transformation (MPCT programme) at the Centre for Peace Studies (CPS) the University of Tromsø. The study applies a multidisciplinary framework for discourse analysis which draws on the fields of pedagogy, peace studies, phronetic social science, and epistemology connected to international policy programmes. The thesis analyses how the claims on valid relevant knowledge in the MPCT programme are constructed and contested, and what effects the views on knowledge have on the competence aims and methods of learning in the programme. In doing this, the thesis also explores to what extent the espoused values and pedagogical principles in the programme description are alive as a basis and carried out in the MPCT as presented. It analyses the discourse of six staff respondents and ten student respondents at CPS in light of a conflict transformation framework, and phronetic social science understood as value-rational deliberation and action. In order to create a distance to the MPCT programme of which the researcher is a part, interviews with three staff respondents and three student respondents were also performed at Department of Peace Studies (DPS), University of Bradford, UK, to supply a comparative context to the MPCT programme. Discourse analysis shows that there is a considerable lack of coherence between the rhetoric and the realities of the MPCT programme at CPS. Staff respondents’ sense of agency is limited in its strength by being constituted within a discourse of organisational constraints. Power lies in what some respondents refer to as the old-fashioned organisational model, reflecting sedimented Enlightenment views of knowledge and the New Public Management (NPM) market philosophy in the university organisation. Student respondents, and also some of the staff respondents, call out for a broader view of knowledge in MPCT programmes, to also involve intrapersonal and critical knowledge, practical embodied knowledge, and team work. Key words academic knowledge, conflict transformation, discourse analysis, epistemology, knowledge construction, knowledge view, multiple frames education, peace education, phronetic social science, praxis, transformative learning theory, |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/2405 |
| Abstract: | This thesis addresses the dynamics of high-risk unauthorised migration. First, it explores how new routes develop in relation to policies that seek to curtail unauthorised migration. Second, it analyses how aspiring migrants justify taking certain risks to migrate by negotiating risk information in relation to their life circumstances and considering the symbolic value of specific forms of migration. Finally and, in relation to the previous, the thesis discusses whether policies that seek to curtail unauthorised migration flows by increasing the likelihood of migrants’ apprehension and repatriation are likely to be effective. In order to explore these questions, this thesis project focuses on the specific case of unauthorised boat migration from West Africa to the Canary Islands, Spain. This route emerged in the year 2006 in relation to increased border control activities along the Strait of Gibraltar and between Morocco and the Canary Islands. In opening a direct link between Sub-Saharan Africa and Europe, the new route from West Africa to the Canary Islands provoked a major change in the dynamics of irregular maritime migration to Spain’s southern borders. Both the number of sub-Saharan migrants arriving on the shores of the Canaries and the length of the itinerary they had followed were unprecedented, and arose much astonishment at the ostensibly very high risks migrants appeared willing to take in order to reach Europe. While it has been argued that migrants following perilous unauthorised migration routes do so out of misinformation about the risks they face, this thesis argues that the relationship between risk information and risk-taking is significantly more complex. Decisions to migrate through high-risk channels are mediated by factors such as aspiring migrants’ options for socio-economic advancement, the social and moral acceptability of certain migration forms and the risks they involve, the religious significance of death, and migrants’ perceptions of their relative preparedness to, and ability to control, the risks they may face. Migration control measures aimed at curtailing unauthorised migration, such as risk awareness campaigns, border patrolling and repatriation are likely to be ineffective if they are based on a simplistic understanding of unauthorised migration dynamics. Careful design of border control measures is necessary to ensure their effectiveness in curbing unauthorised migration flows and upholding their humanitarian concern with protecting the lives of migrants. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/1577 |
| Abstract: | This Master's Thesis uses Collier, Hoeffler, and Rohner's (2009) Feasibility Thesis as a field for a thorough inquiry into the question of how we can best study the causes of civil war. We advocate a pluralist research strategy, with set-theoretic (especially fuzzy-set) methods as a key component, as the most promising strategy for the study of the causes of civil war. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3467 |
| Abstract: | This paper focuses on assessing the role of the United Nations Stabilization Mission (MINUSTAH) in providing stability, security and respect for human rights and the rule of law in Haiti. The proposition is that the efforts have been ineffective and goes on to ask the question whether such an outsider-initiative intervention really advances political order and stability. The study also attempts to illustrate Haitian society’s perception of the peace keeping operations in Haiti thus far. The goal of this study is to illustrate how MINUSTAH may achieve a better success rate for its peace keeping operations with an increased understanding of Haiti’s specific culture and history, especially Haiti’s previous interaction with the international community and colonial history. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/1868 |
| Abstract: | Dette arbeidet handler om skolemobbing i en lokal kontekst. De egentlige drivkreftene til mobbing er vanskelig å avdekke i sin helhet, men her kan det fastslås at mobbing er handlinger som må karakteriseres under begrepet vold. Vold er det motsatte av fred. Vold i sin meste ekstreme form er krig. Fredsbegrepet har historisk blitt relatert til krigshandlinger mellom nasjoner. I min søken etter hvordan mobbing kan stoppes, fokuserer jeg sterkt på konfliktløsningsmulighetene, og den veien som fører til fredsløsninger. Mobbebegrepet og fredsbegrepet er i denne oppgaven forsøkt knyttet opp mot lokale samisk/norske forståelsesformer, språk og historie. Jeg undersøkte mobbeproblematikken over en toårs-periode ved en skole i det flerkulturelle Nord-Norge, preget av det arketypiske tre stammers møte, og har også prøvd å finne ut om strukturelle og kulturelle historiske forhold kan gjøre seg gjeldende i lokal mobbekontekst. Jeg kan se at det er to prosesser som kan ha virket på hverandre og skapt turbulens i lokalsamfunnet: På den ene siden ”arvede” etterslep av fornorskning som gjorde at samer og kvener i stor grad ble assimilerte nordmenn i løpet av 2 til 3 generasjoner. På den annen side kan det dreie seg om den etnopolitiske bevisstgjøringen som har utviklet seg de siste 20-30 årene. Dette ble starten på en prosess for å kvitte seg med ”gammel falskhet” på en så grunnleggende måte, at folk flest igjen kunne framstå både med ”innersiden” og ”yttersiden” i signaliseringen av sin etniske tilknytning og tilhørighet i lokalsamfunnet. Gjennom stille revolusjon og ikke-volds aksjoner oppnådde samene å bli hørt og sett. Samhandling med nasjonalstaten, gjennom juridiske og institusjonelle nyordninger, var kanskje første steget. Dette bevirket til anerkjennelse og myndiggjøring både hos undersåtter og de styrende myndigheter. Her kan det kanskje fastslås at en ny bevissthetsprosess er på gang hos mange mennesker i det flerkulturelle Nord-Norge? Disse mentale bestrebelsene har også ført til motsetninger og uro i flere lokalsamfunn. Kanskje har slike prosesser også hatt innvirkning på mobbetilstanden i enkelte skolesamfunn? |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/143 |
| Abstract: | Social integration of refugees is a concept that connotes ideas of enjoying the opportunities, rights and services available to the citizens of the refugees’ new community. This thesis examines the problems and process of social integration of Congolese refugees in one of the southern towns of Norway. This research mainly aimed at finding out whether Congolese refugees are socially well-integrated; and establishing factors that contribute to their integration or lack of it. Based on the expression of social integration theories, this research has used qualitative methods through interviews and document analysis. Results have shown that some Congolese refugees are socially integrated in the Norwegian community. Findings indicate that the mastery of the Norwegian language and the ability to establish social network with Norwegians citizens are the momentous factor to refugees’ integration. This study suggest that the service in charge of refugee should develop a mechanism to ensure that refugees are given enough psychological assistance due to the fact that a good number of them have experienced such serious traumatic situations that financial and/or material assistance alone do not suffice for them to feel socially integrated in this new community. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/1578 |
| Abstract: | Within the context of the broader historical background of the region and the theoretical framework on security, socio-cultural diversity and political tolerance this particular research deals with the effects of socio-economic structure on tolerance and combat propensity. “Socio-Economic Influences on the Active Combat Participants in Kosovo” illustrates how and to what extent socio-economic status has had direct or indirect influence on the behavior of the active combatants in the highly complex conflict of Kosovo. In terms of research design, the work is grounded in the year-long data collection and theoretical research. The collected data is divided into two parts. The first part offers a systematic and quantitative representation of the group's demographics relating to their economic and social conditions. The second part qualitatively explores the motivations of those who participated in political violence in an effort to develop a more complete understanding of the conflict’s origins both on the individual and group level. The theoretical tools used are the Modernization theory, Cultural pluralism, Political instability and tolerance, and Human needs theory. The socio-economic analysis of political behavior, suggests possible correlation between Socio-Economic rank and tendencies towards political intolerance and combat propensity. It concludes that, while providing some key factors that help contribute to and evaluate the prospects of the much-needed viable peace building and sustainable institutions in divided societies; additional research is needed in studying issues of political tolerance in the region. Moreover, this model relies heavily on its socio-demographic and political tolerance theory predecessors while it is very cautious to take on the unambiguous psychological perspective. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/2396 |
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