Now showing items 1-20 of 76
Next Page| Abstract: | The study had three main objectives: firstly, it examined the livelihoods strategies of Liberian women refugees in Ghana. Secondly, it examined the role(s) played by the UNHCR, internationals and local NGOs, state agencies and other Community Based Organizations in providing material assistance to Liberian women refugees in Ghana; and thirdly, it examined problems encountered by these refugee women in the pursuit of earning a living.The study found Liberian refugee women as being involved in various income-generating activities, including, petty-trading, hair-dressing and dress-making. A few informants had formal wage employment and even those jobs were mainly with aid agencies.From the findings, it was recommended inter alia that aid agencies should help establish credit scheme for women refugees. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/1599 |
| Abstract: | Since the end of the Second World War, conflicts between states that dominated the international scene for decades are gradually being replaced by intra-state conflicts. These new wars have occurred in the developing countries of Africa, Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe. These intra-state wars take several forms; some of the common forms have included civil wars, revolutions, ethnic violence and conflicts, and gang violence. This has meant that most studies on conflicts do not deal with these new conflicts. This has made it imperative for new studies into this rather new phenomenon. This study will be interested in looking at the effects of ethnic and communal violence in the form of chieftaincy conflicts on the socio-economic development of the affected local areas. The study will use the Bawku Chieftaincy Conflict as a case study. I have adopted the insights of the economic theories of war and predation to theorize that the factions in the Bawku Chieftaincy conflict are rational economic players who are interested in the economic, social and political rewards that accrue to the victorious faction. The research also hypothesises that the chieftaincy conflict has negatively affected the socio-economic development of the Bawku East Municipality. The research will test this proposition by analysing the data from the research area. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/1604 |
| Abstract: | Using the perspective of the role of fear in security and identity-based conflicts, I was motivated to investigate in this thesis how peace actors strive to be actively involved in peacemaking in Israel. The main objective of this thesis is to gain insight in the activities of Peace Now in light of the second Intifadah 2000-2004, and disorientation of peace camp. If successful, the results of this thesis might have an impact on creating space for my further work in the realm of conflict resolution and civil society peace work. I approached the problem of security and identity, by analyzing how Israelis and Palestinians perceive violence, peace and conflict. Subsequently, based on theoretical framework, I stressed how fear and distrust influenced the identity formation of Israelis and Palestinians. Because identity was not approached properly, the failure of peace process happened. Other reason that influenced this collapse was an increase of Palestinian terrorism, perceived as a backlash to the peace camp initiative in Israel. Therefore, in this thesis I tried to provide a more nuanced and comprehensive understanding of the problem of identities and how they relate to the security within the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In particular I was concerned with the dynamics of identity formation within the actor Peace Now and its consequences for its peace work. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/2023 |
| Abstract: | ABSTRACT This thesis focuses on the reintegration of the female ex-abductees of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA). The aim of Reintegration is to transform and empower these women and girls so that they can help themselves and have a successful future. For more than two decades, the war between the LRA and the government of Uganda, included violations of human rights, abductions of children into child soldiering, sexual abuse and forced marriage of young girls and claimed thousands of lives in northern Uganda. The thesis explores female ex-abductees’ post-conflict challenges in Gulu, an Acholi area, and how these complicate their reintegration into social life. Through empirical data presentation, I provide a lens through which to understand the gendered challenges to the reintegration of female ex-abductees of LRA. It is widely known that women and girls across the world experience discrimination of some kind at the expense of men and boys. But the situation of female ex-abductees of LRA in Northern Uganda is worse. I argue that these females face specific challenges to the extent that one can use the apartheid of gender to understand their situation. The social stigma, rejection and maltreatment they face results in their re-traumatisation in the post-conflict setting. Using a gender analysis, the thesis outlines public policy action or suggestions that could be useful in designing and implementing an appropriate intervention programme for reintegrating female ex-abductees of LRA. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3497 |
| Abstract: | The current regime for humanitarian forceful intervention has posed enormous challenges to international law and international relations. This is partly because there is no express provision for the principle in the UN Charter. This status quo has seen a regrettable loss of life and genocidal crimes being committed against civilians. This gap in international law has no doubt given weight to the emerging principle of Responsibility to Protect, which despite the challenges it faces, has made significant strides towards norm building. The current intervention in Libya is a arguably a first true test of the concept. The growing significance of the doctrine has given me the courage to attempt a case for a new, consistent and clear legal regime for humanitarian forceful intervention. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3948 |
| Abstract: | Peace researchers aim to reduce violence “by analyzing different types of violence and its causes, predicting in order to prevent, and acting preventively and curatively”(Galtung 1996:50). This thesis addresses the issue of physical violence against women in contemporary Iraqi Kurdistan. Violence against women in Iraqi Kurdistan can be defined as structural violence, cultural violence and direct violence. The project introduces and discusses the strategies and measures implemented to combat the violence against women. In particular, I discuss the work done by local women’s organizations and international non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and analyze their roles in improving the status of women and in ending violence against women. A central issue to discuss is the role of women’s agency in a society characterized by patriarchal structures, in which the social roles of women submit to customary codified tribal systems that naturalize the idea that women are inferior. Through concepts developed in social theory, I will discuss different challenges and solutions to violence against women in Iraqi Kurdistan. How can women’s organizations contribute to free women from structural violence? What are their aims and objectives? What do they perceive as challenges? With whom do they collaborate? Which factors inhibit female victims in seeking help? In addition to women’s organizations, the government is involved in combating violence against women. What are the challenges facing the government in ending the violence? What is impeding government success? The outcomes of this work are encouraging, despite strong socio-cultural barriers. The theories and practices that may alleviate women’s suffering and lead to their empowerment have come to the fore. Women’s organizations have achieved important progress, and they have the potential for more. The findings suggest that local women’s organizations and international NGOs know that combating violence against women presupposes “conscientization”. This “critical consciousness” cannot be imposed on people, and it does not come from outside. But it can be developed through dialectical interaction and start within citizens who are in “limit-situation” which, according to Pinto, are the boundaries where all possibilities begin (Vieira Pinto in Freire 2003:99). |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/2054 |
| Abstract: | Is there one root, and one infrastructure under the hatred of Israel, since the late 19th century, called antisemitism? Can we dare and raise such a question with regard to a phenomenon so prolonged in time and so diversified in its appearances and explanations – a human phenomenon which started as early as the charge of deicide, and which is present during a couple of thousands of years, as steady hatred in a changing world, and in a changing Europe: hatred and opposition to Jews among the followers of Christianity, hatred towards Jews in secular anti-Christian societies, and also hostility and discrimination towards Jews in liberal and left-wing circles. And along all of this, during hundreds of years, the Jews are also undergoing changes in many aspects and sociologically alternating and expanding their lifestyle, their occupations, their places of residence etc. Can we imagine any correlation between the early Church father Chrysostom, of the fourth century, who called the Jews “inveterate murderers, destroyers, men possessed by the devil”, to the French philosopher Voltaire, or between Martin Luther of the sixteenth century who called the Jews “the children of evil” to the Portuguese author and Nobel Prize winner Jose Saramango? In spite of the many centuries time gap between them, in spite of the vast cultural, social and moral differences between them, in spite of the fact that the Jews they knew were very different from those whom their pair partner encountered, all these personages share the same notions about the Jews. When I wish to identify and understand the structure of the infrastructure of the hatred of Israel, called antisemitism, I am actually relying upon a traditional Jewish conviction, which intuitively accepted the assumption that there is indeed one, eternal and permanent root, although it could not explain it. A decisive statement by Rabbi Simeon Bar-Yachai: “The religious law is: the hatred of Jacob is known”, was accepted as a general and inclusive popular determination regarding the hatred of Jews by the non-Jew as a regular and unchangeable phenomenon. This also is true of the verse that the Jews sing enthusiastically on Passover night – “and in each and every generation, they try to annihilate us” (“try” in present tense, not “tried” in past tense), which derives the basic assumption that the active hatred of Israel aspiring for annihilation (and the meaning here is more annihilation as people, as nation than physical annihilation) is everlasting hatred, which is handed down from generation to generation, under various circumstances and in different places. And even the continuation of the verse – “and God Almighty save us from them” presumes that even the rescue can be merely partial and temporary. It is not possible to essentially fix this thing, if God is required to “save” time and time again. In other words, even as far as the devoted follower is concerned, God does not have the power to cancel the hatred of Jews, but merely to save them, and even such rescue is only partial and generational. In seeking after common root, a mutual infrastructure, it seems to me that I am expressing the basic Jewish conviction, which in itself could not explain the essence of the antisemitic origins, yet regarded it to be steady factor of the human behaviour. This conviction has also fatally assumed that it would be impossible to annihilate this permanent infrastructure, and that it would always exist. In a certain tragic sense, antisemitism had become a highly important and most natural factor in establishing the Jewish identity, to the extent that the absence of antisemitism appears to many Jews as suspicious and unnatural phenomena. The traditional Jew often identifies the proper order of the world, when he/she also detects an active antisemitic element within it. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/141 |
| Abstract: | This thesis comes at a time when there is much talk on democratic deficit and questions concerning whether and how cultural groups should be recognized in politics in ethnically divided societies. The study therefore uses the Anglophone Cameroon North West/South West ethno-regional divide as an entry point to contribute to this issue of global concern. By employing a variety of research techniques and using ethnic and psycho-social conflict theories as tools of analysis, the study arrives at the conclusion that the recurrent antagonism between the two Anglophone provinces should be seen as a logical outcome of divisive policies at the national level as well as an expression of complex politico-economic and historical forces played out at the regional level. But what maintains the antagonistic interaction in their every day life is the old gap that divides them and which is ingrained in their psychology. Therefore, according to this study, Identity politics is used as a survival strategy under difficult life conditions and not as a cause to the recurrent antagonism. As such, the study rejects claims that cultural identities and diversity necessarily lead to social, economic and political conflict. By doing so, it stimulates further discussions and research on the need to assess the prospects for identity politics in world peace. Perhaps, the most striking finding of this study is that once there is a dominating conflict like that between Anglophone North Westerners and South Westerners, other small conflicts in the region are “translated” into this dominant one. Reflecting concern over this, it makes a strong appeal for a shift in conflict resolution perspective from a general to a contextual model. Indeed, this study analyses the North West/South West gulf to provide a holistic understanding of the phenomenon by placing it within the larger social context of liberal democracy, group rights and national development. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/142 |
| Abstract: | This research reports the outcome of investigation into the current sustained democratic dispensation in Ghana and the role the media have played in that regard. Ghana has a checked political history of a mixture of coup d’états and some practice of democracy. The country has had about six coups intermixed with some form of democracy since independence in 1957. All that has changed in recent years and currently Ghana as a state is practicing constitutional democracy which has been named the fourth republic, basically because it is the fourth attempt by the country to go democratic. For the first time in Ghana, this form of democracy has been sustained for the last 17 years. It is believed that some institutions have been well placed to ensure the sustenance of this democratic dispensation in Ghana. However, the transition to democracy in Ghana also paved way for the media to flourish into vibrancy, hence numerous news media (both print and electronic) have sprang up in Ghana and have found their position as the fourth estate after the executive, legislature and the judiciary. The significance of this study is embedded in the fact that Ghana’s democracy has made way for freedom, peace and development for her people which can serve as an example for the West African sub-region and even Africa which have been in the news for civil wars. Using interview and focus group discussion, factors that fed into media contribution to democratic sustenance in Ghana were explored. Data gathered and analyzed revealed the media have been able to play their democratic role by giving the people information to help them understand unfolding political issues as well as helping them become active participants in the political and democratic forward movement in Ghana. The sample size was 50. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/2394 |
| Abstract: | The World Trade Organization claims to help keep peace in their declaration Ten Benefits of the WTO trading system (WTO 2008a). This thesis is a critical study of this peace claim within the frames of both peace- and development studies. The main argument of the thesis is that the peace claim of WTO is exaggerated. When adopting peace studies own definitions of peace and view it together with WTO’s narrow peace definition, the peace claim of WTO is up for debate. Current globalization and trade processes, conducted in the realm of neoliberal policies, causes marginalization and deprivation for poor countries and poor people. What development studies labels as deprivation and marginalization are within peace studies labeled structural violence. When structural violence is present there cannot be peace. It is the main argument of this paper that WTO and the international trade system inflict structural violence. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/2395 |
| Abstract: | In this thesis the relationship between corporations and their host communities through CSR programs has been the main focus. First it is stated that companies have been contributing to conflicts such as human rights abuses and ecological damage, through their main focus on profit and increasing shareholder value. Many of the business operations and direct foreign investments worldwide take place in countries either in the midst of conflict or in post-conflict settings (Gupta et al. 2002). Further, it is said that MNCs are powerful social and economic agents, both in regards to the resources they control and by their mobility and capacity to shift resources to locations where they can be used most profitably (Roach 2005; Scherer, Palazzo and Baumann 2006). This also gives them the opportunity to choose under which legal system and regions they want to operate (Ibid). However, it is also implied that CSR can be part of the solution to such problems through focusing on the “triple bottom line” – the totality of the corporation`s financial, social and environmental performance when conducting business (Elkington 1998). |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/4616 |
| Abstract: | In recent years, the value of sport as an important and useful tool in peace and development work has been increasingly recognized. The Norway Cup-project is one of Norway’s largest sport for development projects, and uses the Norway Cup-tournament as an arena for teams from developing countries to strengthen projects in their home communities through empowerment of the participants. This thesis seeks to discover what effect participating in this project has had on a boys-team from Namibia (2006). Through a qualitative research design, I have examined whether there was accordance between the goals of different levels on the Norwegian and Namibian sides. Another significant aspect examined is to what extent sport can be seen as a ‘universal language’. Related issues addressed are whether children’s sport is understood in the same way in both countries, and to what extent such a project has uniting or dividing effects. Furthermore, it is discussed if the project is designed in such a way that a prospective mutual gain is addressed, or whether bringing the teams to Norway as part of a development project enhances the differences between ‘us’ and ‘them’. An essential factor to address is that it deals with young participants. This thesis attends to the question of whether this can have empowering effects on the youth in question, or if it can result in feelings of learnt helplessness upon their return. Additionally, it is discussed whether their prospective empowerment has benefited the community at large. I conclude that the objectives for participation vary more from the official goal the further towards the ‘grassroots’ you go. The initial aims and the way in which the team was selected, is argued to have a significant influence on what is emphasized in later stages of the project. Football turns out to be a ‘universal language’ with different dialects, as ‘competition’ and ‘play’ are emphasized to different degrees by the two parties. Participation is argued to have had certain empowering effects on an individual level, but these effects do not seem to have been transferred from individual to community level to a great degree. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/1139 |
| Abstract: | With the growing influence of the People’s Republic of China in Africa, the question arises: how do the advanced industrialised countries with established interests on the continent see the evolving Sino-African economic and foreign aid relations. This thesis aims at revealing the discourses present in American and British broadsheet newspapers on the topic and analysing the relationship between these discourses. The selection of newspapers includes The Daily Telegraph, The Guardian, The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal. Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory is used as the theory and method for the analysis, accompanied by imported concepts from international relations theory. Through the qualitative analysis of the meanings ascribed to six signs – “Sino-African development cooperation”, “China”, “Africa”, “the West”, “good governance” and “non-interference” – five discourses emerge in the material: three based on international relations theory – liberal internationalist, political realist and world system discourses – and two that I termed economic development and reluctant cooperation discourses. Further analysis reveals struggle and antagonism on levels of signs, discourses and clusters of discourses, while objectivity, the naturalisation of meaning only exists in the case of one sign in the material. The pervasive struggles show that the topic is characterised by being politically contested, with each discourse leading to different appropriate course of action. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/4394 |
| Abstract: | Being the largest guerrilla group in Colombia and entitled the richest guerrilla group of the world, the FARC-EP constitutes the most important non-state conflict actor of the Colombian internal conflict. In recent years it has been recognised in conflict research that non-state actors must be taken seriously if we want to understand today’s internal conflicts. This is the starting point for my analysis of the FARC-EP. Whereas much contemporary research focuses on the economic agendas of conflict actors, the attention in this thesis is on how different organisational resources together reflect a social order of violence beyond the state that embraces both political, economic and symbolic elements. It asks the question of how organisational resources relate to and define internal legitimacy. Drawing upon Christopher Clapham and his notion of organisational effectiveness, indicators such as a clearly defined political project, effective structures and educated leaders will be employed as guiding lines in the empirical study of the FARC-EP. The grounds of the internal legitimacy of the FARC-EP will be established by combining these indicators with insight on the role of self-legitimation of rebels and Max Weber’s typology of domination. The most effective self-legitimating arguments of an organisation may indeed reflect its most important organisational resources. By way of looking into the FARC-EP’s self-legitimation, I find that one of its most important organisational resources is its historical memory. The FARC-EP’s sense of collective destiny is tied to stories of past suffering, in which the leader of the organisation holds a special position. As regards economic resources, there has been created a “revolutionary mysticism” of the way that economic resources are delegated, as well as a tight control over their management. Hence, the FARC-EP has managed to keep the economic resources a strength to the organisation, rather than a source of serious splits. This thesis shows that in addition to internal structures, political project and level of education and coherence, effective self-legitimating arguments should be given special attention in order to understand the grounds of internal legitimacy of a specific non-state conflict actor. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/417 |
| Abstract: | This paper looks into the reasons for the Nepali Maoists’ decision to join the peace process. Nepal, a country of 27 million inhabitants and squeezed in between India and China, was engulfed in a civil war between 1996 and 2006, that cost the lives of over 13000 people. In 2005 King Gyanendra assumed full power in a coup, and vowed to restore peace. The response was an alliance between the Maoists and the political parties that along with popular protests in April 2006 forced Gyanendra to step down and restore parliament. I look into the developments in the civil war that made this alliance and the following peace process possible. I argue that several interconnected factors made the alliance possible. The change in ideology on the part of the Maoists made possible a compromise with the political parties. Something that earlier would have been seen as revisionism. The term “strategic firmness, tactical flexibility” was used to explain these actions within the Maoist ideological framework. Other factors were also important in bringing together the Maoists and the political parties against the King. The increase of the power of the Palace in relation to the political parties made the politicians look to the Maoists for an alliance. After the royal coup of February 2005 India also changed their stance from support for a solution including the King and the parties, to support for a solution that included the Maoists and the parties. I will argue that the processes that lead to the peace process are best understood by using a dialectical view on the course of events, with a focus on how the actions of the different actors are interconnected. This as opposed to a view where the decisions are taken in a vacuum isolated from the conflict and Nepali society. I conclude that the royal coup in 2005 was decisive in bringing together the Maoists, the parties and India in the view that the King was the main obstacle to a peaceful and stable Nepal. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/1053 |
| Abstract: | Dette arbeidet handler om skolemobbing i en lokal kontekst. De egentlige drivkreftene til mobbing er vanskelig å avdekke i sin helhet, men her kan det fastslås at mobbing er handlinger som må karakteriseres under begrepet vold. Vold er det motsatte av fred. Vold i sin meste ekstreme form er krig. Fredsbegrepet har historisk blitt relatert til krigshandlinger mellom nasjoner. I min søken etter hvordan mobbing kan stoppes, fokuserer jeg sterkt på konfliktløsningsmulighetene, og den veien som fører til fredsløsninger. Mobbebegrepet og fredsbegrepet er i denne oppgaven forsøkt knyttet opp mot lokale samisk/norske forståelsesformer, språk og historie. Jeg undersøkte mobbeproblematikken over en toårs-periode ved en skole i det flerkulturelle Nord-Norge, preget av det arketypiske tre stammers møte, og har også prøvd å finne ut om strukturelle og kulturelle historiske forhold kan gjøre seg gjeldende i lokal mobbekontekst. Jeg kan se at det er to prosesser som kan ha virket på hverandre og skapt turbulens i lokalsamfunnet: På den ene siden ”arvede” etterslep av fornorskning som gjorde at samer og kvener i stor grad ble assimilerte nordmenn i løpet av 2 til 3 generasjoner. På den annen side kan det dreie seg om den etnopolitiske bevisstgjøringen som har utviklet seg de siste 20-30 årene. Dette ble starten på en prosess for å kvitte seg med ”gammel falskhet” på en så grunnleggende måte, at folk flest igjen kunne framstå både med ”innersiden” og ”yttersiden” i signaliseringen av sin etniske tilknytning og tilhørighet i lokalsamfunnet. Gjennom stille revolusjon og ikke-volds aksjoner oppnådde samene å bli hørt og sett. Samhandling med nasjonalstaten, gjennom juridiske og institusjonelle nyordninger, var kanskje første steget. Dette bevirket til anerkjennelse og myndiggjøring både hos undersåtter og de styrende myndigheter. Her kan det kanskje fastslås at en ny bevissthetsprosess er på gang hos mange mennesker i det flerkulturelle Nord-Norge? Disse mentale bestrebelsene har også ført til motsetninger og uro i flere lokalsamfunn. Kanskje har slike prosesser også hatt innvirkning på mobbetilstanden i enkelte skolesamfunn? |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/143 |
| Abstract: | War is an extreme situation where nationalism and solidarity are decisive factors. With peace in East Timor, men and women are returning back to daily life, but whereas men are expecting to return to the more traditional way of living, women – having adapted to a new way of living and often have become more independent – seem to want to expand on the new roles they gained during the occupation. Moreover, traditions and patriarchy are not only challenged by the East Timorese women; structural and institutional changes are also being introduced. With violence having become an intricate part of daily life through years of war, men’s frustration and feeling of powerlessness often result in more violence against women. The thesis, which has three major themes, is based on qualitative research conducted during June-August 2004 in Dili, the capital of East Timor. I interviewed people working in the UN, the government, the Catholic Church, and various international and local (particularly women’s) NGOs. In the thesis, I first of all set out to examine post-conflict East Timor, and specifically the high prevalence of men’s violence against women. Why has the reported number of domestic violence cases increased since the end of the occupation? What implications do war and conflict have on a population concerning questions of attitudes to violence – and the use of it? Secondly I have looked at the more general phenomenon of violence against women. Why do so many men use violence against women, and what are the theoretical explanations for men’s violence? The third theme of my thesis is the analysis of the domestic violence campaign in East Timor. I have attempted to assess its impact, both in terms of reduced violence and in attitude change. In conclusion, I present some suggestions that may secure a more sound approach for future campaigns. My study demonstrates how a substantial part of the domestic violence campaign has been aimed towards treating symptoms, overlooking the underlying problems. On the basis of my analysis I elaborate a three-fold argument: first, East Timor needs to protect the victims and make women independent both economically and socially, secondly East Timor needs to continue the strategy of advocacy and awareness-raising, and finally East Timor has to focus on men as perpetrators and what can be done to change their attitudes and violent behaviour. Currently only the first two are included on the domestic violence campaign. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/144 |
| Abstract: | This paper focuses on assessing the role of the United Nations Stabilization Mission (MINUSTAH) in providing stability, security and respect for human rights and the rule of law in Haiti. The proposition is that the efforts have been ineffective and goes on to ask the question whether such an outsider-initiative intervention really advances political order and stability. The study also attempts to illustrate Haitian society’s perception of the peace keeping operations in Haiti thus far. The goal of this study is to illustrate how MINUSTAH may achieve a better success rate for its peace keeping operations with an increased understanding of Haiti’s specific culture and history, especially Haiti’s previous interaction with the international community and colonial history. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/1868 |
| Abstract: | The thesis looks at the education problems of the Roma communities in Northwestern Bulgaria and investigates the prerequisites for their successful inclusion in schools and their integration. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3495 |
| Abstract: | The research tries to answer how LUs could contribute to the integration of Poles into the Norwegian labour market. It tries to specify the special needs of those workers and ways in which labour Unions tried to meet them. The study analyzes impact of actions taken by the labour union and tries to determine what kind of influence, on the relations between Poles and labour unions, can have the fact that large number of Polish workers is employed by temporary work agencies. The study was conducted in Oslo county among members of Oslo Construction Workers Union. This organization is known as the one that noticed large successes in recruiting immigrants. Findings show that there are problems with communication channels. Those used by the union differ from those that are demanded by Poles. The difference between those types of communication is constituted by division on activities and 'presence' of the labour union. The study also analyzes special need voiced by the respondents: postulate of information, lack of accreditation of professional skills and vocational education, the case of 'fixing contracts' by the labour union in temporary work agencies and disparity between formal and informal positions performed at workplace. All those needs aren't however answered yet. Result of this state is disappointment of Poles. The study forms the core category - the formality hypothesis, which describes the way that labour union can influence integration of Poles into the labour market. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3491 |
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