| Abstract: | This study is an attempt to perform a valency analysis of two Russian
constructions which differ only on the suprasegmental level: the noun
phrase knig pjat' (‘approximately five books’) and the sentence Knig –
pjat' (‘As to books, there are five of them’). In the semantic representation
of the NP the additional meaning indicated in the translation is accounted
for by the introduction of a suprasegmental one-place predicate |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/517 |
| Abstract: | The aim of this paper is to present diachronic changes in terms of the conditions of first language acquisition. Grammars, seen as mental organs, may change between two generations. A change is initiated when (a population of) learners converge on a grammatical system which differs in at least one parameter value from the system internalized by the speakers of the previous generation. Learnability issues then connect to both language acquisition and language change, and understanding language changes depends on understanding how children acquire their native language. Acquisition is a process in which Universal Grammar (UG) interacts with a context-specific set of Primary Linguistic Data (PLD: the linguistic input to the child-learner) and uses these PLD as the source for triggers or cues that map the innate (preexperience) knowledge to a mature grammar. If a certain phenomenon has survived through many generations, it must have been reflected clearly in the PLD. Then, if we note that it has changed, something in the language performance of the previous generation must have changed, and thereby paved the way for a new interpretation. Innovation leading to linguistic variation in the PLD and gradual changes in PLD play a central role in the explanation here: the immediate cause of a grammar change must lie in some alternation in the PLD. We will look at how the language spoken in a certain community (E-language) may gradually become different from the language that originally served as the triggering experience. These changes in the E-language also mean changes in the input available to the child-learners of the next generation and a motivation for a different parameter setting has arisen. |
| Description: | In special issue: Proceedings of SCL 19 |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/255 |
| Abstract: | All Germanic languages make extensive use of verb-particle combinations (known as separable-prefix verbs in the OV languages). I show some basic differences here distinguishing the Scandinavian type from the OV West Germanic languages, with English superficially patterning with Scandinavian but actually manifesting a distinct type. Specifically, I argue that the P projection is split into p and P (in accordance with earlier work), roughly analogous to v and V in the verb phrase. In English, p is always present in PP, and enables P to assign case, if P has an internal argument (as it does in "fall in the hole"). The arguments of particle verbs are then arguments of p, external arguments of the particle (as in "throw the rock in"). OV West Germanic allows p to be missing completely, thus having a type of unaccusative particle whose inner argument must receive case from the verb (corresponding to "fall the hole in," impossible in English). Scandinavian allows p to be missing, so that there is no external argument of the particle, but provides an alternative source for case for the internal argument (giving examples corresponding to "pour in the glass"). Thus English and Scandinavian are different from OV West Germanic in lacking the unaccusative type of particle, while Scandinavian differs from OV West Germanic and English in having an alternative source of case. |
| Description: | In special issue: Proceedings of SCL 19 |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/266 |
| Abstract: | This article deals with the L2 acquisition of differences between Norwegian and English passives, and presents data to show that the acquisition of these differences by Norwegian L2 acquirers of English cannot be fully explained by positive evidence, cues, conservativism or economy. Rather, it is argued, it is natural to consider whether indirect negative evidence may facilitate acquisition by inferencing. The structures in focus are impersonal passive constructions with postverbal NPs and passive constructions with intransitive verbs. These sentences are ungrammatical in English. Chomsky (1981) proposes that this is a result of passive morphology absorbing objective case in English. There is no such case to be assigned to the postverbal NP in impersonal passives. In passive constructions with intransitive verbs, the verb does not assign objective case, so that there is no case for the passive morphology to absorb. Thus, impersonal passives have to be changed into personal passives, where the NP receives nominative case, and the objective case is free to go to the passive morphology. Intransitive verbs, however, cannot be used in the passive voice at all. Both the structures discussed in this article, i.e. are grammatical in Norwegian. However, the options available in English, viz. personal passives and active sentences, are equally possible. Åfarli (1992) therefore proposes that Norwegian has optional case absorption (passive morphology optionally absorbs case). On the basis on such observations, we may propose a parameter with the settings [+case absorption] for English, and [-case absorption], signifying optional case absorption, for Norwegian. This means that none of the structures that are grammatical in English can function as positive evidence for the [+case absorption] setting, since they are also grammatical in optional case absorption languages. The question is how this parameter is set. |
| Description: | In special issue: Tromsø Working Papers in Language Acquisition |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/254 |
| Abstract: | In this paper we discuss the phenomenon of Object Shift in Norwegian, and we show that this operation is more complex and discourse related than what has traditionally been assumed. We argue that Object Shift cannot be accounted for in a purely prosodic approach. Rather, we demonstrate that a common denominator for all objects undergoing Object Shift is that they are topics. We thus propose that Object Shift should be analysed as (IP-internal) topicalization. Furthermore, we discuss in detail the peculiar behaviour of the topical pronominal object det ‘it’ in cases where its referent is not an individuated, gender-agreeing noun, but rather a non-individuated referent, like a full clause, a VP or a type DP. In such cases, this pronoun typically refrains from Object Shift. We discuss the contrast between these types of objects and shifting objects in light of the topic hierarchy presented in Frascarelli & Hinterhölzl (2007) and show that pronominal objects that undergo Object Shift have the characteristics of familiar topics, while det ‘it’ in the nonshifting contexts have the characteristics of aboutness topics. Consequently, we propose that Object Shift only applies to pronominal objects that constitute familiar topics. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/4164 |
| Abstract: | In this article, I will investigate the Old Church Slavonic verbs with the -nǫ suffix, both the verbs that keep the nasal suffix throughout the paradigm (e.g. plinǫti ‘spit’) and the verbs that display -Ø in the past tense (e.g. pogybnǫti ‘perish’). Do these verbs constitute one or more linguistic categories? Having compiled a complete database of relevant verbs in Old Church Slavonic, I will argue for a compromise, according to which all nǫ-verbs belong to the same category network, but display different centers of gravity (prototypes) within this network. The network hypothesis is corroborated by detailed statistical analysis (called ‘linguistic profiling’), which takes both semantic as well as formal properties of the verbs in question into account. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/4611 |
| Abstract: | The name of B. Akunin appeared on the Russian literary market five years ago. The author Grigory Tkhartishvili, a well-known man of letters, translator and a connoisseur of Japanese language and culture, is now known all over the world, and translations of his novels are widely available, including in Norway and Sweden. His novels are out of the ordinary not only as detective stories but also as works of postmodernist literature with intertextual connotations and complex historical and literary associations. The article presents an attempt to analyze certain peculiarities of his working methods, which present specific difficulties for translation into Norwegian and Swedish, such as verbal versatility and intertextual associations which are so important in postmodernist works. The article also deals with different translational strategies chosen by the translators in their rendering of realia, different social and local dialects and, what is most important – the intentional mannerisms of B. Akunin’s artistic style. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/530 |
| Abstract: | This article reports on a study of three children acquiring a dialect of Norwegian which allows two different word orders in certain types of WH-questions, verb second (V2) and and verb third (V3). The latter is only allowed after monosyllabic WH-words, while the former, which is the result of verb movement, is the word order found in all other main clauses in the language. It is shown that both V2 and V3 are acquired extremely early by the children in the study (before the age of two), and that subtle distinctions between the two orders with respect to information structure are attested from the beginning. However, it is argued that V3 word order, which should be ìsimplerî than the V2 structure as it does not involve verb movement, is nevertheless acquired slightly later in its full syntactic form. This is taken as an indication that the V3 structure is syntactically more complex, and possibly also more marked. |
| Description: | In special issue: Proceedings of SCL 19 - Acquisition |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/260 |
| Abstract: | The seemingly simple relations between these two categories turn out to be quite complex in the framework of a dependency grammar in which all kinds of segmental linguistic signs are involved: not only free, explicit words but also morphologically incorporated lexemes and implicit lexemes. To the set of traditional cases are added CAS (general case), AGR (agreement case), PRP (prepositional phrase), CJP (conjunction phrase), and NOC ("no case", not marked for case). The part of speech category is enriched by the introduction of two subword labels, AFF (derivational affixes) and FLEX (desinencies). The possible combinations of the "part of speech" and "case" labels are investigated separately for each type of lexeme. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/536 |
| Abstract: | The Russian preposition s (with the instrumental case) exhibits an ambiguity which makes it apt for being used in puns and anecdotes. In certain contexts it oscillates between a more semantic function (comitative meaning in a broad sense) and a more syntactic. In the latter case it forms a preposition phrase which fills an actant position of another predicate. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/522 |
| Abstract: | This article discusses the possibility that Lexical Integrity effects can be explained by proposing that words are syntactic phases, thus eliminating these effects from the set of phenomena that argue in favour of the autonomy of morphology. The proposal is discussed from both a theoretical and an empirical perspective, and it is shown, in the first place, that the phases proposed to give account of some of these phenomena do not behave like syntactic phases and, secondly, that syntactic phases would be insufficient to cope with the impossibility of pronominal coreference with word internal constituents. It is concluded that, given our present understanding of syntax, Lexical Integrity effects still argue for the autonomy of morphology. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3850 |
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