This article deals with the L2 acquisition of differences between Norwegian and English passives, and presents data to show that the acquisition of these differences by Norwegian L2 acquirers of English cannot be fully explained by positive evidence, cues, conservativism or economy. Rather, it is argued, it is natural to consider whether indirect negative evidence may facilitate acquisition by inferencing. The structures in focus are impersonal passive constructions with postverbal NPs and passive constructions with intransitive verbs. These sentences are ungrammatical in English. Chomsky (1981) proposes that this is a result of passive morphology absorbing objective case in English. There is no such case to be assigned to the postverbal NP in impersonal passives. In passive constructions with intransitive verbs, the verb does not assign objective case, so that there is no case for the passive morphology to absorb. Thus, impersonal passives have to be changed into personal passives, where the NP receives nominative case, and the objective case is free to go to the passive morphology. Intransitive verbs, however, cannot be used in the passive voice at all. Both the structures discussed in this article, i.e. are grammatical in Norwegian. However, the options available in English, viz. personal passives and active sentences, are equally possible. Åfarli (1992) therefore proposes that Norwegian has optional case absorption (passive morphology optionally absorbs case). On the basis on such observations, we may propose a parameter with the settings [+case absorption] for English, and [-case absorption], signifying optional case absorption, for Norwegian. This means that none of the structures that are grammatical in English can function as positive evidence for the [+case absorption] setting, since they are also grammatical in optional case absorption languages. The question is how this parameter is set.
Description:
In special issue: Tromsø Working Papers in Language Acquisition
In this paper we discuss the phenomenon of Object Shift in Norwegian, and we show that this operation is more complex and discourse related than what has traditionally been assumed. We argue that Object Shift cannot be accounted for in a purely prosodic approach. Rather, we demonstrate that a common denominator for all objects undergoing Object Shift is that they are topics. We thus propose that Object Shift should be analysed as (IP-internal) topicalization. Furthermore, we discuss in detail the peculiar behaviour of the topical pronominal object det ‘it’ in cases where its referent is not an individuated, gender-agreeing noun, but rather a non-individuated referent, like a full clause, a VP or a type DP. In such cases, this pronoun typically refrains from Object Shift. We discuss the contrast between these types of objects and shifting objects in light of the topic hierarchy presented in Frascarelli & Hinterhölzl (2007) and show that pronominal objects that undergo Object Shift have the characteristics of familiar topics, while det ‘it’ in the nonshifting contexts have the characteristics of aboutness topics. Consequently, we propose that Object Shift only applies to pronominal objects that constitute familiar topics.
In this article, I will investigate the Old Church Slavonic verbs with the -nǫ suffix, both the verbs that keep the nasal suffix throughout the paradigm (e.g. plinǫti ‘spit’) and the verbs that display -Ø in the past tense (e.g. pogybnǫti ‘perish’). Do these verbs constitute one or more linguistic categories? Having compiled a complete database of relevant verbs in Old Church Slavonic, I will argue for a compromise, according to which all nǫ-verbs belong to the same category network, but display different centers of gravity (prototypes) within this network. The network hypothesis is corroborated by detailed statistical analysis (called ‘linguistic profiling’), which takes both semantic as well as formal properties of the verbs in question into account.
The name of B. Akunin appeared on the Russian literary market five years
ago. The author Grigory Tkhartishvili, a well-known man of letters,
translator and a connoisseur of Japanese language and culture, is now
known all over the world, and translations of his novels are widely
available, including in Norway and Sweden. His novels are out of the
ordinary not only as detective stories but also as works of postmodernist
literature with intertextual connotations and complex historical and literary
associations. The article presents an attempt to analyze certain peculiarities
of his working methods, which present specific difficulties for translation
into Norwegian and Swedish, such as verbal versatility and intertextual
associations which are so important in postmodernist works. The article
also deals with different translational strategies chosen by the translators in
their rendering of realia, different social and local dialects and, what is most
important – the intentional mannerisms of B. Akunin’s artistic style.
This article reports on a study of three children acquiring a dialect of Norwegian which allows two different word orders in certain types of WH-questions, verb second (V2) and and verb third (V3). The latter is only allowed after monosyllabic WH-words, while the former, which is the result of verb movement, is the word order found in all other main clauses in the language. It is shown that both V2 and V3 are acquired extremely early by the children in the study (before the age of two), and that subtle distinctions between the two orders with respect to information structure are attested from the beginning. However, it is argued that V3 word order, which should be ìsimplerî than the V2 structure as it does not involve verb movement, is nevertheless acquired slightly later in its full syntactic form. This is taken as an indication that the V3 structure is syntactically more complex, and possibly also more marked.
Description:
In special issue: Proceedings of SCL 19 - Acquisition
The seemingly simple relations between these two categories turn out to be quite complex in the framework of a dependency grammar in which all kinds of segmental linguistic signs are involved: not only free, explicit words but also morphologically incorporated lexemes and implicit lexemes. To the set of traditional cases are added CAS (general case), AGR (agreement case), PRP (prepositional phrase), CJP (conjunction phrase), and NOC ("no case", not marked for case). The part of speech category is enriched by the introduction of two subword labels, AFF (derivational affixes) and FLEX (desinencies). The possible combinations of the "part of speech" and "case" labels are investigated separately for each type of lexeme.
The Russian preposition s (with the instrumental case) exhibits an ambiguity
which makes it apt for being used in puns and anecdotes. In certain
contexts it oscillates between a more semantic function (comitative
meaning in a broad sense) and a more syntactic. In the latter case it forms
a preposition phrase which fills an actant position of another predicate.
This article discusses the possibility that Lexical Integrity effects can be explained by proposing that words are syntactic phases, thus eliminating these effects from the set of phenomena that argue in favour of the autonomy of morphology. The proposal is discussed from both a theoretical and an empirical perspective, and it is shown, in the first place, that the phases proposed to give account of some of these phenomena do not behave like syntactic phases and, secondly, that syntactic phases would be insufficient to cope with the impossibility of pronominal coreference with word internal
constituents. It is concluded that, given our present understanding of syntax, Lexical Integrity effects still argue for the autonomy of morphology.
Based on a corpus of spontaneous production data, this paper compares the word order of wh-questions in two Norwegian dialects, Kåfjord and Tromsø. While the choice of word order (V2 or non-V2) in Tromsø is dependent on information structure, the Kåfjord speakers produce considerably more non-V2 in questions with monosyllabic wh-elements. The majority of questions with multisyllabic wh-constituents, on the other hand, occurs with V2. This synchronic variation is given a diachronic analysis within a Split-CP model of clause structure and a cue-based approach to acquisition and change, where an economy principle (head preference) also plays an important role. Furthermore, an information structure drift from V2 to non-V2 is argued to cause the cue for verb movement to fall below a critical level in the input to children, the result being that V2 only survives in lexically marked cases in Kåfjord, i.e. with the verb ‘be’.
Janda, Laura Alexis; Lyashevskaya, Olga(Journal article; Tidsskriftartikkel; Peer reviewed, 2011)
[+]
[-]
Abstract:
Two key issues in Russian linguistics are the traditional assumptions that (a) the aspect system presents ‘pairs’ of verbs that are perfective vs. imperfective, and that (b) since the lexical meanings of the two verbs that form a pair are identical, the affix that marks aspect has no semantic content. In relation to prefixed perfectives, this approach can be called the
Empty Prefix Hypothesis. The alternative approach, which can be called the Overlap Hypothesis, suggests that semantic emptiness is an illusion created by an overlap in the meanings of the base verb and the prefix. A long-standing
debate over these two hypotheses remains unresolved. We address this debate via a phenomenon that has not previously been investigated in a thorough manner, namely prefix variation. Prefix variation is present when an
imperfective base verb forms two or more aspectual partner verbs with the same lexical meaning, as illustrated by the two verbs завязнуть and увязнуть in our title. We present a detailed empirical analysis, showing that prefix
variation is both frequent and systematic in Russian, and that our results support the Overlap Hypothesis.
Post, Margje(Journal article; Tidsskriftartikkel, 2002)
[+]
[-]
Abstract:
The word dak is one of several highly frequent particles, used in most
Northern Russian and some Siberian dialects. It can occur sentence initially,
sentence internally and sentence finally to connect two parts of the
discourse, such as words, sentences, and presuppositions.
This article describes the advantages and shortcomings of six different
perspectives which have been used to describe this unspecified,
multifunctional word: descriptions in traditional grammatical terms, in
syntactic terminology used for spontaneÓus speech, research on its role
in information structure, its use in discourse, the role of prosody, and
finally comparisons with parallel words in neighbouring and other
languages. I conclude that a combination of approaches is required for a
better understanding of the way dak functions. Studies in prosody
combined with research on dak's role in information structure appear to
be most fruitful, and modern theories of discourse structure, which are
almost completely ignored at present, could be helpful. Much research
remains to be done, especially to clarify the restrictions on the use of the
word dak and the way it functions in less obvious contexts.