| Abstract: | This paper aims to explain why the prenominal definiteness marker found in modified structures is acquired much later than the suffixal definite article in Norwegian. The coexistence of the two definiteness markers is the result of the double definiteness phenomenon in Norwegian, which occurs in definite structures involving an attributive adjective. A lexical insertion approach to the double definiteness phenomenon is proposed, according to which the discrepancy in the order of acquisition is argued to be due to the way semantic features are lexicalized in Norwegian. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3197 |
| Abstract: | This paper looks at how the North Saami grade alternation system develops in children. Grade alternation is a morphophonological process, in which foot-medial consonants alternate between two forms, the strong and the weak grade. There are qualitative alternations, quantitative alternations and in some patterns, both the length and quality of the consonants alternate. These alternations happen in the declension of nouns and the conjugation of verbs. Some case forms of nouns and some forms of verbs are connected to the strong grade, whereas others are connected to the weak grade.The task with which children are faced, is to learn all the different phonological alternations and to connect them to morphology. This paper focuses on the order of acquisition of the various patterns, and on the types of mistakes that children make. We show that the type of alternations to be acquired first are quantity alternations, in which the length of the consonants alternates. The next patterns to be acquired are qualitative alternations, such as devoicing. In the third stage, children learn to combine qualitative and quantitative alternations, such as in deglottalization with nasal legthening. The last patterns to be acquired are patterns with complex foot medial consonants or consonant clusters. The article argues that children´s errors are purely phonological. Connecting the alternations to morphology happens early in the development, and that the remaining errors have to do with the complexity of the phonological alternation. |
| Description: | In special issue: Tromsø Working Papers in Language Acquisition |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/252 |
| Abstract: | In a study of three Norwegian/English bilingual siblings, their strategies for acquiring past tense of verbs in both languages were examined. Elicitation tests were performed in both languages and the children’s performance and error patterns were examined. These results were then compared to data from monolingual English and Norwegian speaking children. The results are discussed within the framework of the Single Mechanism Account Hypothesis, a Connectionist approach, and the Dual Mechanism Account Hypothesis, a Generative Approach. The current study suggests support for the Dual Mechanism Approach Hypothesis. It seems that the children in the current study did in fact create rules for past tense which they could apply by default. |
| Description: | In special issue: Proceedings of SCL 19 - Acquisition |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/263 |
| Abstract: | Research has shown that givenness is one of several factors that influence the choice of word order with the Dative Alternation in languages such as English. This paper investigates to what extent Norwegian children between the ages of 4;2 and 6;0 are sensitive to this factor in production. In order to test this, an experiment was carried out in which the children were prompted to produce structures involving ditransitive verbs when either the Theme or the Recipient was given. The results show that the children are sensitive to the impact of givenness, but while this is expressed through the choice of word order in Theme-given contexts (yielding the prepositional dative), it is expressed by argument omission in the Recipient-given contexts (resulting in one-argument responses with only the Theme overtly produced). |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/4171 |
| Abstract: | Comparisons between dialects tell us how a dialect relates to other dialects: how isolated it is, and which dialects it is most closely related to. Areal-linguistic studies also give information about the historical ties of the dialect and its speakers to other regions and about their cultural background. The present article discusses the relation of the Russian dialect of Varzuga, an old Pomor settlement on the coast of Kola Peninsula, to its Russian and Finno-Ugric neighbours. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/1993 |
| Abstract: | In this paper it is argued that a principle of information structure provided by Universal Grammar (UG) may interact with input in the acquisition of word order. In a study which investigates three children from the age of approximately 1;9 to 3 acquiring a Northern dialect of Norwegian, it has previously been shown that word order patterns in certain types of wh-questions which are sensitive to subtle distinctions in the information value of the subject (given vs. new) are acquired extremely early (Westergaard 2003a). This paper presents a study of the same children’s topicalization constructions, and it is shown that, although these patterns of information structure do not appear in the input, the children nevertheless show traces of these patterns in the non-target forms that they occasionally produce. Thus, in their very early production of topicalization constructions the children seem to be guided by a word order principle based on information structure, which could be taken as support for this as a word order preferred by UG. |
| Description: | In special issue: Tromsø Working Papers in Language Acquisition |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/261 |
| Abstract: | One of the major difficulties for students of Russian as a foreign language is to understand the use of unidirectional and non-directional motion verbs like идти and ходить. But when they have finally mastered the directionality distinction it comes as a surprise that it only occurs in unprefixed motion verbs. Why is there no distinction between unidirectional and non-directional prefixed verbs of motion? In this article, I propose a principled answer to this question in terms of the image schema path. I argue that the stem of unidirectional motion verbs like идти provides an abstract path which is further fleshed out by the addition of a prefix. It is suggested that the semantic overlap between stem and prefix leads to the neutralization of the directionality contrast in prefixed motion verbs. After a brief presentation of the Russian motion verbs in section 1, I discuss the path and manner image schemas in section 2 and the unidirectional-non-directional contrast in section 3. Section 4 shows how image schemas provide a principled account of neutralization in section 4. The implications of an image schematic approach for aspect are analyzed in section 4, before the contribution of the article is summarized in section 5. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/1873 |
| Abstract: | Until recently, few researchers had studied the archaic Russian dialects of the Kola Peninsula. In 2001 and 2004, slavists from the University of Tromsø carried out dialectological field work on the Ter Coast of Kola Peninsula. On our first expedition we were joined by colleagues from Moscow. In 2004, the universities of Tromsø and Bochum received funding from NFR (Norway) and DAAD (Germany) to set up a cooperation project for the study of the endangered Russian dialects around the White Sea. This autumn, dr. Christian Sappok from Bochum University combined his visit to Tromsø with a joint field work expedition to the villages of Varzuga and Kuzomen' on the Ter Coast. Our studies have so far resulted in a Master's thesis (Pétursdóttir 2003) and a range of short articles, part of which has been published in this journal (vols. 4, 5 and the present volume). In due course I hope to finish my PhD dissertation about the dialect of the village of Varzuga. In the present article I will discuss the position of the Varzuga dialect in the Russian dialect landscape. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/527 |
| Abstract: | Most of the literature devoted to the study of deverbal nominalizations concentrates on the complex event reading (La concentración de partículas tiene lugar a temperatura ambiente, ‘The concentration of particles takes place at room temperature’) and the object reading (El paciente tenía concentraciones de calcio en el hombro, ‘The patient had calcium concentrations in the shoulder’), while those nominalizations denoting states have remained, in general, understudied (La concentración de Sherlock Holmes duró cinco horas, ‘Sherlock Holmes’ concentration lasted five hours’). In this paper we present their empirical properties and argue that, despite the empirical differences, state nominalizations and event nominalizations can receive a unified account. We show that in Spanish, Catalan, French, English and German the question of whether a deverbal nominalization denotes a state, an event or is ambiguous between both readings depends on independent properties of the verbal base, allowing us to propose a unified account of both classes of nominalizations: the productive nominalizers in these languages can only denote the aspectual notions contained in the base’s Aktionsart. We further argue that other languages, like Slovenian, have productive nominalizers that can operate over the external aspect of the predicate; in these cases, the nominalization can denote aspectual notions not contained in the base’s Aktionsart. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3849 |
| Abstract: | The article gives an overview of the Saami language situation in Russia, there people use four Kola Saami languages or at least have some competence in them (Kildin Saami, Ter Saami, Skolt Saami and Akkala Saami). Since the 1990's, also North Saami has been used among Kola Saami community members. Today, all four Kola Saami languages are seriously threatened by a language shift from Saami to Russian. However, a revitalization process of Kildin Saami is going on. The article starts with a general introduction about the Saami, who are one of the indigenous people and minorities in the Russian Federation. After that, sources of data will be presented and categories of language competence as well as categories of language users, their numbers and their visibility inside and outside the language community will be discussed. Numbers of Saami language users in Russia are presented in a table. A description of the actual Saami language situation(s) in Russia describing each language variation separately follows. Finally, conclusions are drawn about the language situation with regard to the potential for a possible language revitalization, which is the main focus of the article. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/5123 |
| Abstract: | This paper attempts to show that Nil Sorskii, the author of the well-known three-volume “Sobornik”, in compiling this collection of ancient Greek vitae used Greek texts as well as Slavonic translations. He compared the Slavonic texts with the Greek originals and corrected their difficult archaic language, thus turning it into the understandable simple Russian language of his own time. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/532 |
| Abstract: | This article presents a critical analysis of the discursive practices in the public debate on Sámi language in Tromsø. The conflict around the political plan of Tromsø municipality to join the administrative area for the Sámi language lasted for about one year and was largely carried out in the local newspapers, which had established themselves as an arena and broker in the conflict. The focus of this study is, on the one hand, on the role of the media in the debate and, on the other hand, on the socially constructed relations between Sámi and Norwegian language and social meanings, which get expressed in a highly ideological picture of language and local identity and form the ground for the language conflict. The analytic strategy is twofold: as a first step, the study focuses on the reproduction of language ideologies in letters to the editor and readers’ contributions to the local papers’ discussion pages. The identification of the three semiotic processes of iconization (rhematization), fractal recursivity, and erasure reveals how the writers’ expressions of opinion are anchored in a language ideology that connects Sámi language with certain social values and ignores a larger linguistic and cultural diversity in the town of Tromsø. As a second step, the analysis explores the journalistic treatment of the multitude of conflicting voices in the debate and critically sheds light on the construction of a journalistic voice. Although the journalists claim to construe a seemingly neutral ground for their reports (or independent comments), the analysis shows that journalists use the representation of various voices in their texts to construe a positioned, evaluating, and ideologically anchored journalistic voice. In face of the highly ideological character of the language debate in Tromsø, I argue that local journalism has failed in countering the ideological picture of language and society through information and independent journalism. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/4910 |
| Abstract: | In this paper I explore a long-standing issue in Russian linguistics, viz. the relationship between the so-called One-Stem System (Jakobson 1948) and the more traditional Two-Stem System from the perspective of the Usage- Based Model (Langacker 1991, 1999; Kumashiro 2000). My aim is to show that this model facilitates a synthesis between the two systems for the description of Russian conjugation. After a brief presentation of the form-based generalizations of the One-Stem system in section 1, I show that these generalizations do not require abstract underlying representations and procedural rules, but can be captured by means of static schemas in the Usage-Based Model (section 2). In section 3 it is argued that a purely form-based analysis is incomplete, but that the schemas can be extended so as to accommodate the meaning-based generalizations implicit in the Two-Stem System. Since the Usage-Based Model captures the generalizations inherent in both systems, it is concluded in section 4 that the Usage-Based Model provides a synthesis of the two systems, which have often been considered antagonistic. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/526 |
| Abstract: | This paper discusses two types of constructions in Norwegian where a combination of a verb of motion and a prepositional phrase are ambiguous between a reading of directed motion and a reading of located motion. Based on the differences in the syntactic behaviour of the two types of constructions with respect to a variety of tests (viz. VP constituency tests, adverbial placement, accent placement and the binding of anaphora), I argue that the two different readings have different argument structures and syntactic structures. On the directed motion reading, the PP appears low down in the verb phrase as complement to a functional head Path0, where it is interpreted as endpoint. Locative PPs, however, appear higher up in the structure as a verb phrase adjunct. |
| Description: | In special issue: Proceedings of SCL 19 |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/259 |
| Abstract: | This is an attempt to give a strictly formal and semantically motivated definition of the syntactic concepts of government, agreement, and adjunction. Government and adjunction are related to the strength of the syntactic connection, which, in its turn, is determined by the comparison of the syntactic representation – the tree – with the semantic one – the graph. If the semantic valency confirms the syntactic dependency the connection is regarded as strong. Government is always a strong connection, whereas adjunction is weak. Both are, however, in conformity with the syntactic tree. Agreement relations may or may not conform to the tree structure and in the former case they can be either strong or weak. A distinction is also made between word and its ending; a syntactic dependency arrow can be directed to or from either of these. Government is primarily a relation from word to ending, secondarily from word to word. Adjunction is directed exclusively from word to word. One type of agreement, the flectional one, is directed from ending to ending, the other type, the semi-flectional, from word to ending. Semiflectional gender agreement is further divided into lexical and referential agreement. As a result of syntactic transformations certain transitions between these connection types can be observed. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/2165 |
| Abstract: | Several people have pointed out that there seems to be a close correlation between inflectional morphology and verb movement (see e.g. Kosmeijer 1986, Holmberg & Platzack 1988). The nature of this correlation has been claimed to go in both directions. Vikner (1994, 1995) and Rohrbacher (1999) have both suggested that the verb can only move to an inflectional head if the morphology is rich enough. Bobaljik (1995), Thráinsson (1996), and Bobaljik & Thráinsson (1998), on the other hand, argue that the correlation goes in the other direction, i.e. that rich inflection is a reflection of verb movement, rather than the cause for it. A correlation between morphology and verb movement has also been suggested in first language acquisition (Santelmann 1995 on Swedish, Clahsen et al. 1996 on German, Déprez & Pierce 1993, and Meisel 1994 on French). Several of these studies indicate that children use inflectional morphology as a cue for verb movement in the acquisition process, and that they employ verb movement as soon as they acquire verbal inflection. In this paper I will present new data from a dialect of Northern Norwegian which challenge the strong correlation between verb movement and inflectional morphology in both the adult language and in the acquisition of this dialect. More specifically, this dialect appears to have optional independent V-to-I movement despite the fact that the inflectional morphology is very poor. With respect to the acquisition of this dialect, preliminary data from one subject seem to indicate that children to some extent overgeneralise this verb movement pattern into constructions where adult speakers would not allow it. |
| Description: | In special issue: Proceedings of SCL 19 - Acquisition |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/257 |
| Abstract: | On the basis of syntactic and morphological evidence from West Greenlandic (WG) antipassive (AP) constructions, I argue against the view that the AP affix is nominal. The fact that the transitivizing and the antipassive affixes in a number of verbs are in complementary distribution, leads me to conclude that they both realize a light verb, transitivizing v, one on the ERG-NOM pattern, the other on the NOM-ACC pattern. Nominalization facts of the two clause types indicate their syntactic structure, with possible implications for the semantic interpretation of the object and the position of the ergative subject. |
| Description: | In special issue: Proceedings of SCL 19 |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/264 |
Munin is powered by DSpace 1.8.2
The University Library of Tromsø, N-9037 Tromsø
Tel: +47 77 64 40 00, E-mail: munin@ub.uit.no