Now showing items 1-20 of 112
Next Page| Abstract: | Artikkelen gir ein analyse av personnamna til etterkommarane av finske innvandrarar i Noreg på grunnlag av opplysningar i folketeljinga frå 1900. Materialet omfattar namna på dei som er oppførte med finsk etnisitet, og som er fødde i Noreg. Dette materialet består av to delar: Grue-materialet (412 personar frå Grue Finnskog i Sør-Noreg) og kvenmaterialet med namnedata for 3840 kvenar frå Finnmark og Troms. Dei finske innvandrarane kom til Finnskogane alt på 1600-talet, mens finnane kom noko seinare til Finnmark og Troms – på 1700- og 1800-talet. Desse to folkegruppene, kvenane og dei finskætta på Finnskogane, viser klare forskjellar når det gjeld personnamn. Ein viktig grunn til dette er nok at dei finskætta på Finnskogane hadde budd lenger i Noreg enn kvenane, og at dei dermed hadde vorti meir fornorska. Fornamna i Grue-materialet er stort sett dei same som elles i Noreg på slutten av 1800-talet, mens det blant kvenane også finst nokre typiske finske fornamn, t.d. Hilja, Saima og Toivo. Når det gjeld etternamna, har dei fleste finskætta på Finnskogane namn på -sen og -datter (68 %) eller eit etternamn som går tilbake til eit norsk stadnamn (31 %), gjerne eit gardsnamn, t.d. Bruvold. Også blant kvenane er etternamn på -sen og -datter vanlege (57 %), men i motsetning til dei finskætta på Finnskogane ber mange kvenar (33 %) eit finskspråkleg etternamn, t.d. Halonen og Pauna (i denne prosenten inngår det også etternamn som har fått ei justering på norsk grunn, t.d. Hallonen). Berre 1 % av kvenane har eit etternamn som er typisk norsk, t.d. Kramvik, dvs. eit etternamn som går tilbake til eit norsk stadnamn. Det er ein klar samanheng mellom det å tala finsk og å ha eit finsktypologisk etternamn: Mens 40 % av dei finskspråklege kvenane har eit finsk etternamn, er den tilsvarande prosenten for dei norskspråklege kvenane berre 14 %. Ei samanlikning av bruken av finske etternamn i nokre utvalde kommunar avdekker klare forskjellar. Såleis er det heile 72 % av kvenane i Vadsø som har eit finsk etternamn i 1900, mot berre 7 % i Lyngen. Det er muleg at denne forskjellen til dels kan forklarast ut frå at fornorskingspresset har variert i dei kvenske områda. Ettersom både lydsystemet og det ortografiske systemet er ulikt i finsk og norsk, har dette ført til at mange finske etternamn har fått ei justering på norsk grunn, t.d. Haataja > Hadaja, Kantola > Gandola, Juntunen > Jondonen, Köngäs > Køngæs, Palo > Ballo. I artikkelen er det gjort greie for dei mest vanlege endringstypane. |
| Description: | Final draft post-refereeing av konferanseartikkel antatt til publisering. Final draft post-refereeing of conference paper accepted for publication. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/1228 |
| Abstract: | Research has shown that givenness is one of several factors that influence the choice of word order with the Dative Alternation in languages such as English. This paper investigates to what extent Norwegian children between the ages of 4;2 and 6;0 are sensitive to this factor in production. In order to test this, an experiment was carried out in which the children were prompted to produce structures involving ditransitive verbs when either the Theme or the Recipient was given. The results show that the children are sensitive to the impact of givenness, but while this is expressed through the choice of word order in Theme-given contexts (yielding the prepositional dative), it is expressed by argument omission in the Recipient-given contexts (resulting in one-argument responses with only the Theme overtly produced). |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/4171 |
| Abstract: | This paper aims to explain why the prenominal definiteness marker found in modified structures is acquired much later than the suffixal definite article in Norwegian. The coexistence of the two definiteness markers is the result of the double definiteness phenomenon in Norwegian, which occurs in definite structures involving an attributive adjective. A lexical insertion approach to the double definiteness phenomenon is proposed, according to which the discrepancy in the order of acquisition is argued to be due to the way semantic features are lexicalized in Norwegian. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3197 |
| Abstract: | In this paper we discuss the phenomenon of Object Shift in Norwegian, and we show that this operation is more complex and discourse related than what has traditionally been assumed. We argue that Object Shift cannot be accounted for in a purely prosodic approach. Rather, we demonstrate that a common denominator for all objects undergoing Object Shift is that they are topics. We thus propose that Object Shift should be analysed as (IP-internal) topicalization. Furthermore, we discuss in detail the peculiar behaviour of the topical pronominal object det ‘it’ in cases where its referent is not an individuated, gender-agreeing noun, but rather a non-individuated referent, like a full clause, a VP or a type DP. In such cases, this pronoun typically refrains from Object Shift. We discuss the contrast between these types of objects and shifting objects in light of the topic hierarchy presented in Frascarelli & Hinterhölzl (2007) and show that pronominal objects that undergo Object Shift have the characteristics of familiar topics, while det ‘it’ in the nonshifting contexts have the characteristics of aboutness topics. Consequently, we propose that Object Shift only applies to pronominal objects that constitute familiar topics. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/4164 |
| Abstract: | Dette er del to av en planlagt serie med orienterende artikler om moderne litteratur- og kulturteori. Det er meningen å presentere viktige retninger og tekster i tiden fra og med strukturalismen på 1960-tallet og fram til vår tid. Del en, om strukturalismen, er lagt ut på nettet som ”Småtrykk” 2/2004 hos Eureka forlag. Artiklene er skrevet for ikke-eksperter som ønsker å få en viss oversikt over dette feltet, for eksempel lærere og lærerstudenter. Denne gang gjelder presentasjonen overgangen til poststrukturalismen, som en kan si fant sted på slutten av 1960-tallet. De teoretikerne som her blir omtalt, er Roland Barthes, Julia Kristeva, Jacques Lacan, Michel Foucault og Jacques Derrida, og hensikten er å beskrive deres poststrukturalistiske posisjoner på en forhåpentlig lett tilgjengelig måte som ikke krever spesialkunnskaper i emnet på forhånd. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/2296 |
| Abstract: | Det følgende er to artikler skjøtt sammen til én tekst med en felles litteraturliste til slutt. Den første har tittelen ”Strukturalismen”, den andre ”Roland Barthes”. Dette er første del av en planlagt serie med orienterende, populærvitenskapelige artikler om moderne litteratur- og kulturteori. Det er meningen å presentere viktige retninger og enkeltteoretikere i tiden fra og med strukturalismen på 1960-tallet og fram til vår tid. Retningene vil også bli relatert til den norske lærerutdanningen og til planverket for lesing av litteratur i grunnskolen. Artiklene er skrevet for alminnelig opplyste lesere som lærerstudenter og andre med en viss interesse for emnet, men de som alt er eksperter på feltet, vil ventelig ikke finne mye revolusjonerende nytt. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/2295 |
| Abstract: | Dette er del tre i serien ”Presentasjoner” – en rekke orienterende artikler om moderne litteratur- og kulturteori. Det er meningen å omtale viktige retninger, personer og tekster i tiden fra og med 1960-tallet til i dag. Artiklene er skrevet for ikke-eksperter som ønsker å få en viss oversikt over dette feltet, og som ønsker å kunne lese for eksempel Morgenbladet med større utbytte og mindre fremmedfølelse. Eureka forlag har tidligere internettpublisert del en, om strukturalismen, som Småtrykk 2/2004, og del to, om poststrukturalismen, som Småtrykk 1/2005. Resepsjonsteorien blir her presentert gjennom sitt tyske tyngdepunkt (Jauss og Iser) og sitt amerikanske (Fish, Holland, Bleich, Rosenblatt og Radway), og dessuten gjennom den italienske semiotikeren Umberto Eco. Til slutt blir denne retningen sett i samband med norsk fagdidaktisk debatt og de gjeldende læreplaner for grunnskolen. Det er denne artikkelens påstand at resepsjonsteorien implisitt ligger til grunn for 2005-planens syn på litteraturlesningen i skolen. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/2270 |
| Abstract: | This paper looks at how the North Saami grade alternation system develops in children. Grade alternation is a morphophonological process, in which foot-medial consonants alternate between two forms, the strong and the weak grade. There are qualitative alternations, quantitative alternations and in some patterns, both the length and quality of the consonants alternate. These alternations happen in the declension of nouns and the conjugation of verbs. Some case forms of nouns and some forms of verbs are connected to the strong grade, whereas others are connected to the weak grade.The task with which children are faced, is to learn all the different phonological alternations and to connect them to morphology. This paper focuses on the order of acquisition of the various patterns, and on the types of mistakes that children make. We show that the type of alternations to be acquired first are quantity alternations, in which the length of the consonants alternates. The next patterns to be acquired are qualitative alternations, such as devoicing. In the third stage, children learn to combine qualitative and quantitative alternations, such as in deglottalization with nasal legthening. The last patterns to be acquired are patterns with complex foot medial consonants or consonant clusters. The article argues that children´s errors are purely phonological. Connecting the alternations to morphology happens early in the development, and that the remaining errors have to do with the complexity of the phonological alternation. |
| Description: | In special issue: Tromsø Working Papers in Language Acquisition |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/252 |
| Abstract: | Several people have pointed out that there seems to be a close correlation between inflectional morphology and verb movement (see e.g. Kosmeijer 1986, Holmberg & Platzack 1988). The nature of this correlation has been claimed to go in both directions. Vikner (1994, 1995) and Rohrbacher (1999) have both suggested that the verb can only move to an inflectional head if the morphology is rich enough. Bobaljik (1995), Thráinsson (1996), and Bobaljik & Thráinsson (1998), on the other hand, argue that the correlation goes in the other direction, i.e. that rich inflection is a reflection of verb movement, rather than the cause for it. A correlation between morphology and verb movement has also been suggested in first language acquisition (Santelmann 1995 on Swedish, Clahsen et al. 1996 on German, Déprez & Pierce 1993, and Meisel 1994 on French). Several of these studies indicate that children use inflectional morphology as a cue for verb movement in the acquisition process, and that they employ verb movement as soon as they acquire verbal inflection. In this paper I will present new data from a dialect of Northern Norwegian which challenge the strong correlation between verb movement and inflectional morphology in both the adult language and in the acquisition of this dialect. More specifically, this dialect appears to have optional independent V-to-I movement despite the fact that the inflectional morphology is very poor. With respect to the acquisition of this dialect, preliminary data from one subject seem to indicate that children to some extent overgeneralise this verb movement pattern into constructions where adult speakers would not allow it. |
| Description: | In special issue: Proceedings of SCL 19 - Acquisition |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/257 |
| Abstract: | In this paper we will discuss how economy principles interact with cues in the input in bilingual first language acquisition. We will look at the acquisition of verb placement in a child acquiring English and Norwegian simultaneously. Based on data from this child, it will be argued that when faced with ambiguous cues with respect to the verb movement parameter, children do not necessarily adopt the default, less marked setting. Rather, they may opt for a setting which yields an overall consistent grammar, even when this grammar contains operations that are more costly than those used in the target language. We will suggest that economy in acquisition may involve consistency in a grammar in correlation with economy in the more traditional sense within minimalism, where moving an element in general is considered more costly than not moving it (Chomsky 1995). |
| Description: | In special issue: Tromsø Working Papers in Language Acquisition |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/256 |
| Abstract: | This article deals with the L2 acquisition of differences between Norwegian and English passives, and presents data to show that the acquisition of these differences by Norwegian L2 acquirers of English cannot be fully explained by positive evidence, cues, conservativism or economy. Rather, it is argued, it is natural to consider whether indirect negative evidence may facilitate acquisition by inferencing. The structures in focus are impersonal passive constructions with postverbal NPs and passive constructions with intransitive verbs. These sentences are ungrammatical in English. Chomsky (1981) proposes that this is a result of passive morphology absorbing objective case in English. There is no such case to be assigned to the postverbal NP in impersonal passives. In passive constructions with intransitive verbs, the verb does not assign objective case, so that there is no case for the passive morphology to absorb. Thus, impersonal passives have to be changed into personal passives, where the NP receives nominative case, and the objective case is free to go to the passive morphology. Intransitive verbs, however, cannot be used in the passive voice at all. Both the structures discussed in this article, i.e. are grammatical in Norwegian. However, the options available in English, viz. personal passives and active sentences, are equally possible. Åfarli (1992) therefore proposes that Norwegian has optional case absorption (passive morphology optionally absorbs case). On the basis on such observations, we may propose a parameter with the settings [+case absorption] for English, and [-case absorption], signifying optional case absorption, for Norwegian. This means that none of the structures that are grammatical in English can function as positive evidence for the [+case absorption] setting, since they are also grammatical in optional case absorption languages. The question is how this parameter is set. |
| Description: | In special issue: Tromsø Working Papers in Language Acquisition |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/254 |
| Abstract: | This article provides with a state of the art of how the Individual Level / Stage Level distinction –and the related but distinct issue of the distribution of ser / estar– is instantiated in Spanish. We argue that the IL / SL distinction can be understood in two different ways: as a contrast between properties predicated of an individual or of a stage of that individual, and as a contrast between temporally persistent properties and temporary ones. The paper ends with a specific proposal about how to capture the distinction inside a structural system. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/5066 |
| Abstract: | This article discusses the possibility that Lexical Integrity effects can be explained by proposing that words are syntactic phases, thus eliminating these effects from the set of phenomena that argue in favour of the autonomy of morphology. The proposal is discussed from both a theoretical and an empirical perspective, and it is shown, in the first place, that the phases proposed to give account of some of these phenomena do not behave like syntactic phases and, secondly, that syntactic phases would be insufficient to cope with the impossibility of pronominal coreference with word internal constituents. It is concluded that, given our present understanding of syntax, Lexical Integrity effects still argue for the autonomy of morphology. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3850 |
| Abstract: | The research on the properties of nominalizations is one key empirical domain where crucial questions about the organization of grammar have tried to be answered: how are the morphology, the syntax and the semantics of a word intertwined? In this paper we address zero derived deverbal nouns in Spanish (the equivalent of attack) and we argue that, despite the presence of a desinence, this morpheme cannot be responsible for the grammatical category of the word. It is not empirically correct to propose, either, that there is a zero nominalizer in Spanish. We argue that the solution is to let the base of the word synthetically spell out both the nominalizer and the verb. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3848 |
| Abstract: | In this paper we propose that some nominal structures involve rising of a possessive pronoun from a lower, defective nominal domain to a structure headed by a noun with which they do not hold any direct semantic relation. The conditions under which this operation can take place are explored. It can only happen when the lower domain is severely impoverished; it is introduced by a weak preposition that does not define a phase and when the PP is selected by the head noun as its complement. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3851 |
| Abstract: | Most of the literature devoted to the study of deverbal nominalizations concentrates on the complex event reading (La concentración de partículas tiene lugar a temperatura ambiente, ‘The concentration of particles takes place at room temperature’) and the object reading (El paciente tenía concentraciones de calcio en el hombro, ‘The patient had calcium concentrations in the shoulder’), while those nominalizations denoting states have remained, in general, understudied (La concentración de Sherlock Holmes duró cinco horas, ‘Sherlock Holmes’ concentration lasted five hours’). In this paper we present their empirical properties and argue that, despite the empirical differences, state nominalizations and event nominalizations can receive a unified account. We show that in Spanish, Catalan, French, English and German the question of whether a deverbal nominalization denotes a state, an event or is ambiguous between both readings depends on independent properties of the verbal base, allowing us to propose a unified account of both classes of nominalizations: the productive nominalizers in these languages can only denote the aspectual notions contained in the base’s Aktionsart. We further argue that other languages, like Slovenian, have productive nominalizers that can operate over the external aspect of the predicate; in these cases, the nominalization can denote aspectual notions not contained in the base’s Aktionsart. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3849 |
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