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- Browsing Artikler, rapporter og annet (CASTL) by Author
Browsing Artikler, rapporter og annet (CASTL) by Author
Now showing items 1-20 of 35
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Basic, Monika (Journal article; Tidsskriftartikkel, 2007)[+][-]
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Bentzen, Kristine; Vangsnes, Øystein Alexander (Journal article; Tidsskriftartikkel, 2007)[+][-]
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Bentzen, Kristine (Journal article; Tidsskriftartikkel, 2007)[+][-]
Abstract: The position of the verb(s) in embedded non-V2 contexts varies in Norwegian dialects. In Eastern Norwegian (EastN), all verbs have to follow all adverbs in non-V2 contexts. In Tromsø Northern Norwegian (TrNN) main verbs and non-finite auxiliaries have to follow all adverbs, but finite auxiliaries may precede adverbs they take scope over. In Regional Northern Norwegian (ReNN) all finite verbs (main/auxiliary) may precede all adverbs, and non-finite auxiliaries may precede adverbs they take scope over. These data are accounted for within a remnant movement approach. The variation between the three dialects is argued to follow from differences in how selectional features on auxiliaries and T are checked. It is suggested that auxiliaries are associated with a pair of functional projections (so-called lifters): a VP lifter below and an AdvP lifter above. An auxiliary with these lifters ‘sinks’ below adverbs it takes scope over. Overt feature checking (through adjacency) occurs when the lifters are present; covert feature checking occurs when the lifters are absent. In EastN, overt feature checking, and the lifters, is obligatory for all auxiliaries; in TrNN this is obligatory for non-finite auxiliaries but optional for finite auxiliaries; in ReNN this is optional for all auxiliaries. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10037/979 File(s) in this item: 1
article.pdf (313.7Kb) -
Bentzen, Kristine; Merchant, J; Svenonius, Peter (Conference object; Konferansebidrag, 2012)[+][-]
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Caha, Pavel (Journal article; Tidsskriftartikkel; Peer reviewed, 2010)[+][-]
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Dekany, Eva (Journal article; Tidsskriftartikkel, 2009)[+][-]
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Dekany, Eva (Journal article; Tidsskriftartikkel, 2008)[+][-]
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Iosad, Pavel (Journal article; Tidsskriftartikkel; Peer reviewed, 2012)[+][-]
Abstract: This paper proposes an account of final devoicing in Friulian which relies on contrastive feature specification and feature geometry to explicate the connection between final devoicing and vowel lengthening. It is proposed that obstruents which are the outcome of final devoicing are phonologically distinct from true voiceless obstruents, being completely unspecified for laryngeal features. It is argued that the representational deficiency of such delaryngealized obstruents is directly connected to their inability to license a mora, which opens the way to vowel lengthening. More generally, the paper shows how feature geometrymay be adapted to capture the effects of contrastive specification and express markedness relations, and proposes a novel approach to hierarchies involving the sonority of coda segments. Description: This is the submitted version of the paper. Published version available at http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2012.03.004 URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10037/4099 File(s) in this item: 1
article.pdf (388.3Kb) -
Iosad, Pavel (Journal article; Tidsskriftartikkel; Peer reviewed, 2012)[+][-]
Abstract: Much recent work concentrates on the role of sonority in the phenomenon of vowel reduction, capitalizing on the two facts that reduction involves raising and/or shortening and that higher vowels and schwa are normally interpreted as having low sonority. This paper presents a different approach to vowel reduction in Standard Russian. It is proposed that the apparent sonority-driven effects in Russian are epiphenomenal. In particular, reduction to schwa is outside of the domain of phonological computation in Russian, being an artifact of reduced duration. Other types of neutralization arising in vowel reduction are potentially amenable to a sonority-based analysis, but I argue that current approaches to sonority-driven reduction suffer from representational shortcomings. When these shortcomings are rectified, however, sonority is unnecessary as an explicit factor in vowel reduction: standard markedness mechanisms are enough to explain the data. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3605 File(s) in this item: 1
article.pdf (322.5Kb) -
Lundquist, Bjørn (Journal article; Tidsskriftartikkel; Peer reviewed, 2011)[+][-]
Abstract: This article discusses the absence of reflexive or self-caused readings in certain types of participles and de-verbal nominalizations, like the hanging of the suicidal patient and The suicidal patient was hanged yesterday. I argue that the "anti-reflexive" reading is not triggered by the presence of a subject PRO or pro, but rather by the absence of reflexive marking, i.e. overt marking that functions to recode lexically specifi ed co-reference relations between the arguments of a predicate. I argue that the verb-phrase needs to be decomposed into at least two subparts/subevents and that each sub-event carries information about the participants involved in it (as in e.g. Pustejovsky 1995 and Ramchand 2008b). More speci cally, arguments receive their thematic information from indices on verbal heads that introduces sub-events. Event-denoting nominalizations and participles in general inherit the event structure from the verb, i.e. the indices present in the verbal roots. I further argue that simple reflexives can be verbal heads, that are inserted as a last resort when there is a mismatch between the lexically stored information of a verb and the structure generated in the syntax. This article focuses on data from Swedish, but comparisons will be made with English. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3852 File(s) in this item: 1
article.pdf (395.2Kb) -
Lundquist, Bjørn (Journal article; Tidsskriftartikkel, 2009)[+][-]
Abstract: This paper discusses different types of zero-derived de-verbal nominals with a focus on result nominals, simple event nominals and complex event nominals. I argue that zero-derived nominals should be treated on a par with overtly derived nominals. I claim that verbs that have related zero-derived nominals have nominal gender features in their lexical entries in addition to verbal features, like Proc and Res, and that merging a gender feature on top of an event-structure representation results in a nominal. To capture the fact that verbal entries can be inserted in both nominal and verbal contexts, I apply the principle of underattachment, or underassociation, that allows lexical entries to be inserted in the syntax even when not all of the features in the lexical entry are present in the syntax (see e.g. Ramchand 2008 and Caha 2009). In verbal contexts, no gender feature is inserted, and in some of the nominal contexts, only a subset of the verbs event features are present. I further argue that the only function of overt nominalizing suffixes is to lexicalize a gender feature. If the lexical entry of a verb already contains a gender feature, no overt nominalizing suffix needs to be inserted. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3188 File(s) in this item: 1
article.pdf (196.8Kb) -
Muriungi, Peter (Journal article; Tidsskriftartikkel, 2006)[+][-]
Abstract: In this paper, I discuss the categorial status of Kîîtharaka adpositions. I demonstrate that there are two main classes of adpositions(to be referred to as Class A and Class B). Class A adpositions are syntactic heads and they belong to the functional lexical category P. Class B adpositions are a phrasal P category with a nominal component. They therefore spell out a complex structure than adpositional heads do. This bipartation of Kîîtharaka Ps is based on (i) optionality of complements (ii) case assignment (iii) modification (iv) recoverability of content (v) movement and (vi) derivational morphology. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10037/981 File(s) in this item: 1
article.pdf (203.8Kb) -
Pantcheva, Marina Blagoeva (Journal article; Tidsskriftartikkel, 2009)[+][-]
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Pantcheva, Marina Blagoeva (Journal article; Tidsskriftartikkel, 2007)[+][-]
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Pantcheva, Marina Blagoeva (Journal article; Tidsskriftartikkel, 2006)[+][-]
Abstract: In this paper I present the prepositional system in Persian. I show that Persian prepositions can be divided into three classes (Class 1, Class 2a and Class 2b) which exhibit distinct syntactic behavior. Then I examine the question of the categorial status of Class 2 prepositions and demonstrate that they are not to be regarded as nouns. Finally I present the extended PP projection of Persian spatial prepositions and argue for a feature-based analysis of the properties they manifest URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10037/980 File(s) in this item: 1
article.pdf (203.4Kb) -
Ramchand, Gillian; Tungseth, Mai (Journal article; Tidsskriftartikkel, 2006)[+][-]
Abstract: In this paper, we explore some previously unanalysed interactions between verbal aktionsart and prepositional complementation in Norwegian, namely the alternations between a DP object and PP complements with på ‘on/at’ and til ‘to/at’. We argue that a simple account based on [±telic] or [±quantized] features cannot be correct. Instead, we generalize the notion of path and homomorphism, and integrate it in a syntactic theory of how complex events are built up compositionally. The path structure introduced by the PP interacts with the path structure of the VP to produce complex events based on ‘homomorphic unity’ in much the same way as has been argued for in the Verb + Nominal domain (Krifka 1992). Specifically, an extended location (a på-PP) in the complement of and activity verb (in our terms, a process subevental projection) gives rise to a non-directed path for the event; a point location ( a til-PP) in the complement of an accomplishment verb (one which in our terms will contain a result subevental projection) gives rise to the specification of an endpoint. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10037/984 File(s) in this item: 1
article.pdf (220.6Kb) -
Ramchand, Gillian C (Journal article; Tidsskriftartikkel, 2008)[+][-]
Abstract: This paper examines the problem of selectional ‘matching’ effects in Bengali V-V complex predicates, and English denominal verbs within the context of a decompositional syntax/semantics for verbal meaning and a theory of lexical insertion under non-terminals. It argues that within the particular version of this kind of lexical insertion, as proposed by Ramchand 2008b, selection can be captured by the underassociation of category features constrained by Agree. In this way, I argue that we can achieve many of the effects of selection without any distinct lexical subcategorization frame, or sub-type of feature-checking, once we have a suitably articulated theory of lexical insertion. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3190 File(s) in this item: 1
article.pdf (199.4Kb) -
Ramchand, Gillian C (Journal article; Tidsskriftartikkel; Peer reviewed, 2011)[+][-]
Abstract: In this paper, I revisit the licensing and interpretation of instrumental case-marked nominals in Hindi/Urdu causative constructions to argue against the hypothesis that the se-marked phrase corresponds to a demoted agent. Rather, I will argue that a more unified analysis of se-phrases can be achieved through an event-structural analysis, in line with the standard interpretation of other adverbials in the syntax. Since the ‘intermediate agent’ interpretation is only possible with indirect causatives in Hindi/Urdu, the event structural analysis proposed here also has implications for the direct vs. indirect causation distinction in the syntax. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3853 File(s) in this item: 1
article.pdf (237.9Kb) -
Roy, Isabelle (Journal article; Tidsskriftartikkel, 2006)[+][-]
Abstract: In relation to inanimates, nouns that normally denote body parts when constructed in relation to an animate whole (pied ‘foot’, tête ‘head’, etc.) lose their literal meaning in French and acquire instead a spatial interpretation. This paper argues that spatial part Ns in French divide into two coherent groups with distinct properties: fixed spatial part terms, which denote concrete, perceptible objects and whose interpretation is completely predictable on the basis of the shape and position of the whole and relative spatial part terms, which denote a location projected from the whole. A detailed study of the two classes of expressions shows that, while the former are true nouns, the latter are in fact Axial Parts, a category motivated crosslinguistically in the semantic decomposition of preposition. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10037/983 File(s) in this item: 1
article.pdf (213.0Kb) -
Son, Minjeong (Journal article; Tidsskriftartikkel, 2008)[+][-]
Abstract: Korean resultatives are divided into two types depending on whether the subject of a resultative secondary predicate is assigned accusative case or nominative case. The former is comparable to selected object resultatives (e.g., Mary wipe the table clean), and the latter to unselected object resultatives (e.g., John screamed himself hoarse) in English. Korean resultatives have received a great deal of attention in the literature due to di erent case markings on the subject of a secondary predicate. However, there has been no agreement regarding whether Korean resultatives should be analyzed as small clause complements, similar to English, or adjunct phrases. Some argue that both resultative types are small clause complements (e.g., Kim 1999, Chang and Kim 2001), but some argue that only the selected object resultatives are true small clause type resultatives while the unselected object resultatives are VP adjuncts (e.g., Song 2005, Yeo 2006). A recent proposal by Shim and den Dikken (2007), however, suggests that both types should be analyzed as TP adjuncts. This paper defends the second position, a split analysis for the two types of resultatives: a complementation analysis for selected object resultatives, and an adjunction analysis for unselected object resul- tatives. Supporting evidence for the split analysis is provided by a few syntactic and semantic facts that lead to the conclusion that the two resultatives must be structurally distinguished from one another in terms of their complementhood/adjuncthood. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3189 File(s) in this item: 1
article.pdf (196.8Kb)
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