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dc.contributor.authorJulien, Marit
dc.date.accessioned2006-09-15T12:33:14Z
dc.date.available2006-09-15T12:33:14Z
dc.date.issued2003
dc.description.abstractIn the so-called 'double definiteness' varieties of Scandinavian (Norwegian, Swedish, and Faroese), a definite nominal phrase that contains no adjective or numeral has a suffixed article but no prenominal determiner. But if there are adjectives or numerals in a definite nominal phrase, the suffixed article co-occurs with a prenominal determiner. In my analysis, this pattern is related to the requirement that the D-projection must be visible. Because of this requirement, nP, which is the projection of the suffixed definiteness marker, moves to Spec-DP when no prenominal modifiers are present. However, when adjectives or numerals intervene between D and nP, they block nP-raising to Spec-DP. D must then be spelled out, and the result is a preposed determiner.en
dc.descriptionIn special issue: Proceedings of SCL 19en
dc.format.extent65599 bytes
dc.format.mimetypeapplication/pdf
dc.identifier.citationNordlyd 31.1(2003) pp 230-244en
dc.identifier.issn1503-8599
dc.identifier.urihttps://hdl.handle.net/10037/262
dc.identifier.urnURN:NBN:no-uit_munin_122
dc.language.isoengen
dc.publisherUniversitetet i Tromsøen
dc.publisherUniversity of Tromsøen
dc.rights.accessRightsopenAccess
dc.subjectVDP::Humaniora: 000::Språkvitenskapelige fag: 010::Allmenn språkvitenskap og fonetikk: 011en
dc.subjectVDP::Humaniora: 000::Språkvitenskapelige fag: 010::Nordiske språk: 018en
dc.subjectdouble definitenessen
dc.subjectdeterminersen
dc.subjectDPen
dc.subjectvisibilityen
dc.titleDouble definiteness in Scandinavianen
dc.typeJournal articleen
dc.typeTidsskriftartikkelno


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