Show simple item record

dc.contributor.advisorRamchand, Gillian
dc.contributor.authorDékány, Éva Katalin
dc.date.accessioned2012-04-25T08:15:44Z
dc.date.available2012-04-25T08:15:44Z
dc.date.issued2012-05-10
dc.description.abstractThe theoretical focus of my thesis is the methodology of establishing the hierarchy of functional projections. I argue that four factors influence the hierarchy: mapping to semantics, mapping to phonology, agreement, and linearization. I assume without argument that mapping to semantics follows compositional semantics, and there are no semantically inert heads in syntax. I examine what approach to the remaining three factors is most compatible with this view. I argue for a Nanosyntactic mapping to phonology, a Mirror Theoretic linearization model and the representation of agreement morphemes in the syntax but without dedicated AgrPs. The empirical basis of the thesis is the extended nominal projection in Hungarian. I aim to set up a functional sequence for the Hungarian DP in a way that does justice to both semantic and word order considerations. I identify agreement morphemes in the Hungarian nominal projection and examine how different word order algorithms can derive the surface order from the underlying hierarchy.en
dc.description.doctoraltypeph.d.en
dc.description.popularabstractDet empiriske fokuset i min avhandling er substantiv og deres modifikatorer (f.eks. adjektiv, påpekende pronomen, eiendomspronomen) i ungarsk. Jeg etablerer et underliggende hierarki for disse modifikatorerene, og sammenligner dette med den faktiske ordstillingen. Det teoretiske fokuset i avhandlinga omhandler metoden for å etablere et slikt underliggende hierarki. Jeg argumenterer for at fire faktorer påvirker hierarkiet: kobling til semantikk, kobling til fonologi, samsvarsbøyning, og linearisering. Jeg antar uten argumentasjon at kobling til semantikk følger komposisjonell semantikk, og det finnes ikke semantisk inaktive hoder i syntaksen. Jeg undersøker hvilken tilnærmingsmåte til de andre tre faktorene som er mest kompatibel med dette synet. Jeg argumenterer for en nanosyntaktisk kobling til fonologi, en 'Mirror Theoretic' lineariseringsmodell og representasjon av samsvarsmorfemer i syntaksen, men uten egne AgrP'er.en
dc.identifier.urihttps://hdl.handle.net/10037/4138
dc.identifier.urnURN:NBN:no-uit_munin_3858
dc.language.isoengen
dc.publisherUniversitetet i Tromsøen
dc.publisherUniversity of Tromsøen
dc.rights.accessRightsopenAccess
dc.rights.holderCopyright 2012 The Author(s)
dc.rights.urihttps://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0en_US
dc.rightsAttribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0)en_US
dc.subjectVDP::Humanities: 000::Linguistics: 010en
dc.subjectVDP::Humaniora: 000::Språkvitenskapelige fag: 010en
dc.titleA profile of the Hungarian DP : the interaction of lexicalization, agreement and linearization with the functional sequenceen
dc.typeDoctoral thesisen
dc.typeDoktorgradsavhandlingen


File(s) in this item

Thumbnail
Thumbnail

This item appears in the following collection(s)

Show simple item record

Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0)
Except where otherwise noted, this item's license is described as Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0)