Now showing items 1-13 of 13
| Abstract: | In this article, I will investigate the Old Church Slavonic verbs with the -nǫ suffix, both the verbs that keep the nasal suffix throughout the paradigm (e.g. plinǫti ‘spit’) and the verbs that display -Ø in the past tense (e.g. pogybnǫti ‘perish’). Do these verbs constitute one or more linguistic categories? Having compiled a complete database of relevant verbs in Old Church Slavonic, I will argue for a compromise, according to which all nǫ-verbs belong to the same category network, but display different centers of gravity (prototypes) within this network. The network hypothesis is corroborated by detailed statistical analysis (called ‘linguistic profiling’), which takes both semantic as well as formal properties of the verbs in question into account. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/4611 |
| Abstract: | This article offers a small analysis of temporal adverbials with ‘year' in Suzdal'skaja letopis'. These data in comparison with data from Ipat'evskaja letopis' indicate that въ + locative (the construction that prevails with ‘year' in Contemporary Standard Russian) was marginal in Old Russian, whereas three other constructions (въ + accusative, bare genitive and bare locative) competed for dominance. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/5025 |
| Abstract: | One of the major difficulties for students of Russian as a foreign language is to understand the use of unidirectional and non-directional motion verbs like идти and ходить. But when they have finally mastered the directionality distinction it comes as a surprise that it only occurs in unprefixed motion verbs. Why is there no distinction between unidirectional and non-directional prefixed verbs of motion? In this article, I propose a principled answer to this question in terms of the image schema path. I argue that the stem of unidirectional motion verbs like идти provides an abstract path which is further fleshed out by the addition of a prefix. It is suggested that the semantic overlap between stem and prefix leads to the neutralization of the directionality contrast in prefixed motion verbs. After a brief presentation of the Russian motion verbs in section 1, I discuss the path and manner image schemas in section 2 and the unidirectional-non-directional contrast in section 3. Section 4 shows how image schemas provide a principled account of neutralization in section 4. The implications of an image schematic approach for aspect are analyzed in section 4, before the contribution of the article is summarized in section 5. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/1873 |
| Abstract: | In this paper I explore a long-standing issue in Russian linguistics, viz. the relationship between the so-called One-Stem System (Jakobson 1948) and the more traditional Two-Stem System from the perspective of the Usage- Based Model (Langacker 1991, 1999; Kumashiro 2000). My aim is to show that this model facilitates a synthesis between the two systems for the description of Russian conjugation. After a brief presentation of the form-based generalizations of the One-Stem system in section 1, I show that these generalizations do not require abstract underlying representations and procedural rules, but can be captured by means of static schemas in the Usage-Based Model (section 2). In section 3 it is argued that a purely form-based analysis is incomplete, but that the schemas can be extended so as to accommodate the meaning-based generalizations implicit in the Two-Stem System. Since the Usage-Based Model captures the generalizations inherent in both systems, it is concluded in section 4 that the Usage-Based Model provides a synthesis of the two systems, which have often been considered antagonistic. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/526 |
| Abstract: | In the present article we are offering a corpus-based analysis of nu-drop in Russian verbs, the process whereby certain verbs with the suffix -nu- omit this morpheme in past tense forms. We will explore phonological, morphological and syntactic/semantic factors and show that inflectional and derivational morphology are the most important for nu-drop. Our study of the inflectional and derivational morphological categories yields a polarized general picture; the categories display either close to 100% Ø-forms (i.e. forms without -nu-) or close to 0% such forms, while no categories are in the middle of the scale. Moreover, a diachronic survey of the development between the 19th and 21st centuries indicates increasing polarization, insofar as increasing percentages of Ø-forms are attested among forms with high percentages of Ø-forms, whereas decrease is characteristic of forms with low percentages of Ø-forms. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3845 |
| Abstract: | We undertake a detailed analysis of the two closely related Russian aspectual prefixes vy- and iz. The meanings of these prefixes are analyzed in terms of networks of related subcategories, termed radial categories. This method facilitates precise comparison of submeanings and statistical analysis. Our analysis sharpens the traditional insight that elements of Church Slavic origin like iz- have a more abstract meaning than historically East Slavic elements like vy-. Furthermore, the distribution of meanings attested gives support to the hypothesis that the meanings of base verbs and prefixes overlap in the formation of prefixed aspectual partner verbs, contra the tradition of the so-called “empty prefix”. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3846 |
Now showing items 1-13 of 13
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