Now showing items 103-112 of 112
| Abstract: | The aim of this paper is to present diachronic changes in terms of the conditions of first language acquisition. Grammars, seen as mental organs, may change between two generations. A change is initiated when (a population of) learners converge on a grammatical system which differs in at least one parameter value from the system internalized by the speakers of the previous generation. Learnability issues then connect to both language acquisition and language change, and understanding language changes depends on understanding how children acquire their native language. Acquisition is a process in which Universal Grammar (UG) interacts with a context-specific set of Primary Linguistic Data (PLD: the linguistic input to the child-learner) and uses these PLD as the source for triggers or cues that map the innate (preexperience) knowledge to a mature grammar. If a certain phenomenon has survived through many generations, it must have been reflected clearly in the PLD. Then, if we note that it has changed, something in the language performance of the previous generation must have changed, and thereby paved the way for a new interpretation. Innovation leading to linguistic variation in the PLD and gradual changes in PLD play a central role in the explanation here: the immediate cause of a grammar change must lie in some alternation in the PLD. We will look at how the language spoken in a certain community (E-language) may gradually become different from the language that originally served as the triggering experience. These changes in the E-language also mean changes in the input available to the child-learners of the next generation and a motivation for a different parameter setting has arisen. |
| Description: | In special issue: Proceedings of SCL 19 |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/255 |
| Abstract: | A number of European languages have undergone a change from object-verb to verb-object order. We focus on the change in English and Icelandic, showing that while the structural change was the same, it took place at different times and different ways in the two languages, triggered by different E-language changes. As seen from the English viewpoint, low-level facts of inflection morphology may express the relevant cue for parameters, and so the loss of inflection may lead to a grammar change. This analysis does not carry over to Icelandic, as the loss of OV there took place despite rich case morphology. We aim to show how this can be explained within a cue-style approach, arguing for a universal set of cues. However, the relevant cue may be expressed differently among languages: While it may have been expressed through morphology in English, it as expressed through information structure in Icelandic. In both cases, external effects led to fewer expressions of the relevant (universal) cue and a grammar change took place. |
| Description: | In special issue: Tromsø Working Papers in Language Acquisition |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/268 |
| Abstract: | The freedom of choosing what language to use in various contexts is restricted by a wide range of non-linguistic factors. One often-overlooked factor is the availability of a digital infrastructure for the languages in question. To put it bluntly: With no keyboard layout available there also will be no texts written. The article looks at different aspects related to minority languages and digital linguistic resources. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/4909 |
| Abstract: | This paper discusses two types of constructions in Norwegian where a combination of a verb of motion and a prepositional phrase are ambiguous between a reading of directed motion and a reading of located motion. Based on the differences in the syntactic behaviour of the two types of constructions with respect to a variety of tests (viz. VP constituency tests, adverbial placement, accent placement and the binding of anaphora), I argue that the two different readings have different argument structures and syntactic structures. On the directed motion reading, the PP appears low down in the verb phrase as complement to a functional head Path0, where it is interpreted as endpoint. Locative PPs, however, appear higher up in the structure as a verb phrase adjunct. |
| Description: | In special issue: Proceedings of SCL 19 |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/259 |
| Abstract: | This paper gives an outline of the goals of the pan-Nordic project umbrella Scandinavian Dialect Syntax and of how the research collaboration is organized and financed, and of how the collaboration has advanced during the last 4-5 years. Special attention is devoted to the NORMS Nordic Center of Excellence project which in effect constitutes a highly focused branch of the larger network. There are clear scientific advantages of initiating large scale cooperation of the sort represented by the ScanDiaSyn umbrella, but there are also several challenges and obstacles, especially when it comes to funding. The experiences from the ScanDiaSyn collaboration may therefore be useful from the perspective of the organization of research more generally. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/978 |
| Abstract: | While standard Norwegian is a V2 language, some Norwegian dialects exhibit V3 in certain types of wh-questions. In some previous work on the Tromsø dialect, V3 has been considered the ‘true’ dialect and speakers' acceptance of V2 simply a result of the influence from the standard language. Based on child and adult data from a study of the acquisition of word order in the Tromsø dialect, I will argue that both V2 and V3 orders are part of the dialect – used by adult speakers and acquired (more or less) simultaneously by children. It will further be argued that the choice between the two depends on the information structure of the sentence, more specifically, on the interpretation of the subject as given or new information. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/4836 |
| Abstract: | This article reports on a study of three children acquiring a dialect of Norwegian which allows two different word orders in certain types of WH-questions, verb second (V2) and and verb third (V3). The latter is only allowed after monosyllabic WH-words, while the former, which is the result of verb movement, is the word order found in all other main clauses in the language. It is shown that both V2 and V3 are acquired extremely early by the children in the study (before the age of two), and that subtle distinctions between the two orders with respect to information structure are attested from the beginning. However, it is argued that V3 word order, which should be ìsimplerî than the V2 structure as it does not involve verb movement, is nevertheless acquired slightly later in its full syntactic form. This is taken as an indication that the V3 structure is syntactically more complex, and possibly also more marked. |
| Description: | In special issue: Proceedings of SCL 19 - Acquisition |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/260 |
| Abstract: | In this paper it is argued that a principle of information structure provided by Universal Grammar (UG) may interact with input in the acquisition of word order. In a study which investigates three children from the age of approximately 1;9 to 3 acquiring a Northern dialect of Norwegian, it has previously been shown that word order patterns in certain types of wh-questions which are sensitive to subtle distinctions in the information value of the subject (given vs. new) are acquired extremely early (Westergaard 2003a). This paper presents a study of the same children’s topicalization constructions, and it is shown that, although these patterns of information structure do not appear in the input, the children nevertheless show traces of these patterns in the non-target forms that they occasionally produce. Thus, in their very early production of topicalization constructions the children seem to be guided by a word order principle based on information structure, which could be taken as support for this as a word order preferred by UG. |
| Description: | In special issue: Tromsø Working Papers in Language Acquisition |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/261 |
| Abstract: | Based on a corpus of spontaneous production data, this paper compares the word order of wh-questions in two Norwegian dialects, Kåfjord and Tromsø. While the choice of word order (V2 or non-V2) in Tromsø is dependent on information structure, the Kåfjord speakers produce considerably more non-V2 in questions with monosyllabic wh-elements. The majority of questions with multisyllabic wh-constituents, on the other hand, occurs with V2. This synchronic variation is given a diachronic analysis within a Split-CP model of clause structure and a cue-based approach to acquisition and change, where an economy principle (head preference) also plays an important role. Furthermore, an information structure drift from V2 to non-V2 is argued to cause the cue for verb movement to fall below a critical level in the input to children, the result being that V2 only survives in lexically marked cases in Kåfjord, i.e. with the verb ‘be’. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/4837 |
Now showing items 103-112 of 112
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