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dc.contributor.authorØstbø Munch, Christine B.
dc.contributor.authorGarbacz, Piotr
dc.date.accessioned2022-06-29T07:53:14Z
dc.date.available2022-06-29T07:53:14Z
dc.date.issued2017-08-22
dc.description.abstractDoubling of negation, where a declarative is initiated and finished with negation as shown in (1) below, consists of two different structures: clause-initial negation and clause-final negation, and these need not be related. (1) Inte har jag sett honom inte. (Fenno-Swedish) not has I seen him not ‘I have certainly not seen him’ (Bergroth 1928: 159) Clause-initial negation, which contributes with the negative semantics in the clause, can be divided into three subcategories according to Lindström (2009:168): (i) responsive negation, (ii) interrogative negation, and (iii) additive negation. Out of these three subtypes, the responsive negation, which is prosodically unstressed and primarily used in dialogues, is possible with clause-final negation yielding thus doubling of negation. Clause-final negation does not contribute with independent negative semantics and it is as such dependent on the presence of a negative element in the clause proper.en_US
dc.identifier.citationØstbø Munch CBØ, Garbacz P. Doubling of Negation. Nordic Atlas of Language Structures (NALS) Journal. 2014;1:458-466en_US
dc.identifier.cristinIDFRIDAID 1171342
dc.identifier.doi10.5617/nals.5414
dc.identifier.issn2387-2667
dc.identifier.urihttps://hdl.handle.net/10037/25643
dc.language.isoengen_US
dc.publisherUniversity of Osloen_US
dc.relation.journalNordic Atlas of Language Structures (NALS) Journal
dc.relation.urihttp://www.tekstlab.uio.no/nals#/chapter/60
dc.rights.accessRightsopenAccessen_US
dc.rights.holderCopyright 2014 The Author(s)en_US
dc.titleDoubling of Negationen_US
dc.type.versionpublishedVersionen_US
dc.typeJournal articleen_US
dc.typeTidsskriftartikkelen_US
dc.typePeer revieweden_US


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